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median household incomes in the county increase by $1,225 per year and poverty rates fall by as much as 3.3% on average.01 / 03
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St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital today announced M. Madan Babu
as the institution’s first Chief Data Scientist
and leader of the newly formed Office of Data Science
This $195 million research enterprise will have 115 new positions
advanced computing technologies and data science approaches to biomedical research
His team will also facilitate the integration of biological and biomedical data
“Our ability to quickly analyze huge datasets is becoming increasingly crucial to scientific breakthroughs, particularly when it comes to biochemistry and cell biology,” said James R. Downing
a globally recognized expert in this field
our Office of Data Science will strengthen data-sharing between the lab and the clinic
accelerating our progress in finding cures and developing treatments for children with catastrophic diseases.”
“Dr. Babu is a pioneer in developing and applying data science-based approaches to reveal fundamental principles of biological systems,” said J. Paul Taylor
executive vice president and scientific director
we aim to create a seamless scientific ecosystem where experimental
clinical and data scientists collaborate effectively to advance our understanding of healthy and disease states.”
St. Jude accelerated its journey into data science with genomic studies and their associated molecular and clinical data
providing data and analysis resources to the global research community
there are an estimated 150 petabytes of biological data from open sources
The explosion of different types of data in recent years such as imaging
and population data has increased both the complexity and sheer amount of biological information available to scientists who need to translate the data into findings and then cures
The challenge is to integrate and derive actionable information from these large and diverse datasets
Jude is a unique place and I am honored to lead this initiative,” Babu said
“With our intellectual ecosystem of talented clinical
experimental and data scientists united under the same mission
Jude to build a data science enterprise of this magnitude.”
He has made major contributions in the fields of G-protein coupled receptors
intrinsically disordered proteins and gene regulation
Babu earned his PhD in computational genomics from Cambridge University and his undergraduate degree from Anna University
Babu completed a postdoctoral fellowship at the National Institutes of Health
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In a continued commitment to expand its presence
Vanderbilt University has appointed Megha Madan as its inaugural senior director of global engagement and external partnerships
Madan, who starts her position in August, will support efforts to bring the world to Vanderbilt and bring Vanderbilt to the world. She will report to Tracy Sharpley-Whiting
who holds the Gertrude Conaway Vanderbilt Distinguished Chair in the Humanities and serves as vice provost of arts
Madan’s initial focus will be facilitating the renewal of Vanderbilt’s partnership agreements with Leipzig University in Germany and inaugurating one with the International University of Rabat in Morocco
Vanderbilt established a number of collaborations with Leipzig University years ago
leading the administrations of the two universities to sign a memorandum of understanding that allows and encourages academic exchanges and facilitates joint research programs
student programs and a cultural exchange program
Leipzig University was founded in 1409 and has enjoyed 600 years of uninterrupted teaching and research
making it the second oldest university in Germany
It is also one of Germany’s top 20 research organizations
The university has made it a tradition to cross academic boundaries and promote interdisciplinary research
The partnership has been so successful that Vanderbilt and Leipzig University will continue the relationship with a new memorandum of understanding
signed when representatives from the university visit in August
Vanderbilt’s new collaboration with the International University of Rabat is also thriving
Vanderbilt this fall will host administrators and faculty from the International University of Rabat to explore partnerships in social sciences
The visit will include plans to sign an educational collaborative agreement and a panel discussion on Mediterranean Africa
The partnership with the International University of Rabat adds to Vanderbilt’s MENASS (Middle East
which also include the University of Haifa
Madan’s appointment is just part of a strategy designed to increase support to Vanderbilt’s global engagement efforts
Madan’s recruitment and several other initiatives in the past six months have come in response to the recommendations of the Global Strategy Committee
which was appointed by Chancellor Daniel Diermeier and Provost and Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs C
Cybele Raver in January 2023 as part of a campus-wide effort to grow the university’s reputation and collaboration worldwide
The Global Strategy Committee identified three main themes for its recommendations at the start of 2023:
Madan’s hire will help advance those goals even further
“Vanderbilt’s global connections and collaborations are essential to our mission,” Sharpley-Whiting said
“I am pleased to welcome Megha Madan to Vanderbilt and am excited for her vision to advance Vanderbilt scholarship and its global impact
broaden and deepen our international collaborations
build new relationships and enhance opportunities for students to participate in international learning
Bringing her aboard will allow Vanderbilt to continue its exciting momentum on the global stage.”
Madan is an accomplished higher education professional with expertise in global strategy
program management and partnership development
including engaging with comprehensive global audiences
and fostering innovative cross-border strategic partnerships
She has worked at Emory University for nearly eight years
she has been the face of Goizueta Business School’s emerging global strategy by enhancing collaborations with institutional partners and strengthening global business education programs
Her role involved active collaboration with students
serving as a vital liaison with Emory University leadership
Emory’s Office of Global Strategy and Initiatives
Madan contributed significantly to Emory University’s Office of Alumni and Engagement
particularly by focusing on engagement in key international regions aligned with institutional goals
“I am thrilled to be joining Vanderbilt University and honored to work with a team of leaders dedicated to advancing the university’s academic and global impact
Vanderbilt’s emphasis on global collaboration aligns with my passion and expertise in cross-cultural exchange and international partnerships,” Madan said
“I look forward to leveraging my experience with this esteemed community to enhance global programs
expand international opportunities and further build on Vanderbilt’s global mission and strategy.”
Madan’s experience includes her work at the Institute of International Education in New York City
USAID and the Brazil Scientific Mobility Program
She holds a bachelor’s degree in health promotion and public health from the University of Georgia and a J.D
Madan arrives at a time when the Office of Global Engagement has hit the ground running with bolstering Vanderbilt’s global positioning
Sharpley-Whiting and her team have made substantial progress on several of the themes identified by the committee
To learn more about global initiatives at Vanderbilt, visit vanderbilt.edu/global
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Human Resources
Contact
Sapna Madan leads the human resources function in the New Delhi office for ICCT while contributing to the global HR team
She plays a key role in managing the employee life cycle
an executive certification in Organizational Development from XLRI – Xavier School of Management
bringing expertise in fostering positive workplace cultures
Sapna has been recognized for her contributions to the HR industry and has been honored by the World HRD Congress
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the U.S.-India relationship has changed considerably
including in the defense and security domains
Structural factors have driven the two countries to cooperate across the administrations of presidents as different as Bill Clinton
The relationship is not without divergences
which currently include India’s partnership with Russia and U.S
if the strategic convergence between Washington and Delhi persists
and if India once again adapts its approach according to a new administration’s priorities and preferences
then this cooperation will continue and possibly even increase
Washington has had a broader strategic rationale for investing in ties with New Delhi
Successive administrations have seen India as a growing power that offers opportunities for various U.S
and whose choices—for good and bad—will affect American interests
More particularly, the United States has perceived India through the prism of the ongoing competition in the Indo-Pacific. Washington considers India to be a contributor to regional deterrence in the context of China’s increased assertiveness
and—at different times and to different degrees—a geopolitical counterbalance
New Delhi broadly shares Washington’s vision of the region
the sense that a rising China’s assertive behavior is the critical challenge to it
sometimes even more so than some American allies
India has been willing to work with the United States to respond to this and other regional challenges
interest in this is partly that a more capable India would not just be able to deter China at its borders but also be a key security provider in the Indian Ocean region—one that is willing to burden-share
New Delhi’s theory of the case for investing in the U.S.-India partnership has broadly been complementary. Indian policymakers have seen the United States as crucial to achieving their objectives: security
This has made partnerships indispensable—and the United States has been useful for New Delhi’s China strategy in several ways
Washington has bolstered India’s internal balancing by enhancing Indian capabilities and resilience
And the United States has served as an external balancer by contributing to a favorable balance of power and influence in the region
by providing strategic and economic alternatives to countries in the region
and by supporting India during crises with China
non-Western option—but it can also create friction if
Specific recommendations will depend on the next president’s priorities and sense of India’s role in them
as well as the next administration’s approach to India and other partners (strategic or transactional)
one task for American and Indian policymakers will be to tackle the differences mentioned above
they have the potential to complicate or constrain the cooperation that strategic convergence makes possible
As—or even more—important will be maintaining the forward progress across various domains in the relationship
Momentum has somewhat slowed in certain areas because of both countries’ elections and other preoccupations
The U.S.-India partnership is more “natural” than it has been in the past
but it still requires nurturing—particularly at the high level
The next administration should assess what has worked—and what has not—in the partnership
This should include evaluating existing mechanisms before giving in to the temptation to replace them with new ones
It would also be advisable for the next administration to identify its goals and discuss them with India
while also seeking to understand New Delhi’s objectives
Unrealistically high expectations are unhelpful but having indifferently low expectations risks leaving opportunities on the table
the new administration should approach ties with pragmatic ambition
Finally, the next administration (and its transition team) will have to watch potential developments between now and inauguration day that might have an impact on U.S. interests. These include possible crises (India-China, India-Pakistan, vis-à-vis Bangladesh), a potential Sino-Indian tactical thaw
and India’s approach to the Russia-Ukraine and Middle East conflicts
India will be keeping a close eye on the U.S
as well as the sustainability of minilateralism (and especially the Quad)
given India’s own competition with China and the extent to which strategic convergence has driven U.S.-India cooperation and incentivized the management of differences
Indian policymakers will also care deeply about the next administration’s China policy—which they hope will remain competitive
their questions about a potential Kamala Harris administration will revolve around how much continuity or change there will be from the Biden administration in terms of policy and personnel
New Delhi will want to see how her administration prioritizes the Indo-Pacific; the approach to China; the willingness to deepen cooperation with India in the security
and technology domains; and how much a Harris administration will focus on the values pillar of the relationship and
India will hope that his first-term competitiveness with China and focus on the Indo-Pacific will return
New Delhi likely believes that Trump would bring the Russia-Ukraine war to a speedier end and hopes that he would not focus much on the state of Indian democracy and human rights
But New Delhi will be concerned about a second Trump administration’s volatility and transactionalism
there will be uncertainty about Trump’s China approach—the possibility of him seeking a deal with Xi Jinping—and his commitment to working with allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific
economic approach that focuses more on reshoring or nearshoring rather than friendshoring
and increased American reluctance or a higher price for technology sharing or development finance
India would be adversely affected by a Trump administration that might impose constraints on high-skilled visas or international student programs
or put pressure on India because of the higher number of undocumented migrants traveling from there
relationship for New Delhi means it will seek to work closely with whichever candidate makes it to the White House
And it will adjust its approach based on the result of the elections—not just vis-à-vis a new administration
but potentially toward other major and middle powers as well
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Given the potential impact on India’s willingness to cooperate with countries to balance China
the possibility of such a change has been a subject of interest for India’s partners
There are reasons why the Modi government might seek to stabilize ties with China
or at least set a floor for the India-China relationship
a tactical thaw is more likely than any structural shift away from Sino-Indian rivalry
This is because there has already been a reset in Sino-Indian ties—to a more competitive level
the relationship will remain there due to the range of divergences that persist between India and China
fiery rhetoric against China was largely absent on the campaign trail
Both Singh and Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar have denied that India’s approach has changed
But there are several reasons why it won’t be surprising if a third-term Modi government seeks to put relations with China on a more stable footing
New Delhi does not want another escalation at the border
where the four-year-old military standoff continues
Conflict could disrupt India’s economic growth and other objectives and would have an uncertain outcome given the Sino-Indian capabilities gap
Indian policymakers have already been grappling with the fallout of several global and regional crises
Then there are the tensions in the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait
These crises will shape New Delhi’s thinking about a potential escalation with China. They have absorbed India’s and its partners’ bandwidth and resources which are needed to balance Beijing. These partners include the United States, which provided India with fast-tracked or leased military supplies
and diplomatic support during the 2020 Sino-Indian crisis
Indians would have also warily watched high-level Australia-China visits
and the revival of China-Japan-South Korea talks
While these interactions would concern India
they could simultaneously suggest to New Delhi that Beijing might be ready for a rethink too—since the United States rather than India is China’s primary rival
The Modi government might want to test whether Beijing
under pressure from Washington and facing economic headwinds
could seek to ease tensions on its India front and stall the deepening of India’s ties with China’s rivals
some officials and analysts might press for a China rethink due to their skepticism of the United States and concern about New Delhi getting too close to Washington
They might believe that a better equation with China would alleviate the need for alignment with the United States and other Western partners
A milder version of this motive would be outreach to China serving to remind India’s Western friends that the Modi government has options and should not be taken for granted
The extent and outcome of such an Indian exploration with China is uncertain. There was similar speculation in spring-summer 2023 about a breakthrough
A thaw could also be perilous for New Delhi
Any asks from Beijing that curb India’s balancing efforts—building its domestic capacities and foreign partnerships—would be strategically risky
with no guarantee that Beijing will respect any commitments it makes
If there is movement despite these obstacles, possible outcomes could involve increased engagement between more senior officials or ministers, including perhaps at the forthcoming Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit
They could involve tactical adjustments at the border
discussions about updating the border agreements
or selective economic reengagement and renewed civil society interactions
Modi will not want Beijing to believe that he is weaker after the Indian election
could there be an Indian effort to see whether a more stable dynamic with China is possible
But his government is bound to embark on any such outreach while keeping in mind the limits of those previous initiatives
and with the understanding that there has been little let up in Sino-Indian competition across several domains
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They have played good cricket and have similarities between their team compositions too
It all depends upon who takes the advantage in the final
it's the team that matters," 1983 World Cup-winner Madan Lal told NDTV in an exclusive interview