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By U.S. Mission Brazil | 25 March, 2015 | Topics: Events, Recife, U.S. & Brazil
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Letters from Africa marks the first of a five-book series of his intimate writings
Archives of the National Museum of History / Ibram
“Final idylls: finding a beautiful palm tree in Africa and enjoying the eternal sleep in its shade,” wrote André Rebouças (1838–1898) to Alfredo Maria Adriano d’Escragnolle Taunay (1843–1899)
The engineer and abolitionist had not yet taken the cargo liner Malange
but he was already building dramatic expectations for his trip throughout the African continent
The message is one of the 193 notes Hebe Mattos
from the History Graduate Department and Program at the Federal University of Juiz de Fora (UFJF)
compiled in Cartas da África – Registro de correspondência: 1891-1893 (Letters from Africa – Records of correspondence: 1891–1893)
Rebouças began working on the book while staying in the French resort of Cannes
where he was alone after an initial period in Lisbon
with whom he would later live in exile after the Proclamation of the Republic in Brazil
he remained faithful to the monarchy after November 15 (date of the proclamation)
disappointed with the course of the newborn republic
while preparing himself to circumnavigate the African continent
one of the owners of the Jornal do Commercio newspaper
the two faces of Rebouças are brought together
which also alternate in the messages written to another 25 recipients—the engineer
sharing his opinion on various aspects of politics
is the beginning of a series of five books compiling the abolitionist’s intimate written notes
and organized by Mattos — two of them in partnership with Robert Daibert
Mattos’s first contact with Rebouças’s letters in exile was 15 years earlier
During research for her doctoral thesis at Fluminense Federal University
she had studied black intellectuals “who somehow reflected on the memory of slavery,” she mentions
she took pictures of the letters written by André and kept them at the Joaquim Nabuco Foundation
the philosopher did not get much coverage in the media
But that was only until the publisher proposed to disclose the letters
“My goal shifted into sharing André’s work with a larger audience.”
According to Ligia Fonseca Ferreira from the School of Philosophy
and Humanities of the Federal University of São Paulo (EFLCH-UNIFESP)
this type of work has not yet been developed much by Brazilian scholars
Hence the importance of granting access to Rebouças’s full text — earlier
the major source of his personal writings was a compendium from 1938
Ferreira talks about his own experience with Luiz Gama’s works (1830–1882) — an abolitionism pioneer whose writings were published in Com a palavra
Luiz Gama) (Imprensa Oficial do Estado de São Paulo
2011) and in Lições de resistência (Lessons in resistance) (Edições Sesc
Ferreira believes the period addressed by Mattos is when Rebouças realized his condition as a Black person
Rebouças refers to himself for the first time as “the Black man André.”
Archives of the Joaquim Nabuco Foundation / Brazilian Ministry of EducationA letter written by Rebouças to his friend Rangel da CostaArchives of the Joaquim Nabuco Foundation / Brazilian Ministry of Education
the suppression of the intellectual experience of free Black persons during the nineteenth century was a core theme
it is a “basic point for the way racism was institutionalized as not racism.” “Color is mentioned when one speaks about a slave
a “negro” or a “creole,” they have a slave in mind.” Intellectuals
over 70% of the population were Blacks or browns
Even researchers ignored the racial details when talking about men who today have major streets named after them
was reinforced by the black and white photographs that lighten the skin of many of these people — but not that of Rebouças himself
whose skin tone cannot be concealed in portraits
the sharpness of his color enhances the myth of racial democracy
When speaking of Rebouças as an important Black man
as if his path as an engineer and entrepreneur tailoring commercial relationships with other men of his industry in several countries
“were a result of a grant” by the monarchy
from the Department of Sociology of the School of Philosophy
and Humanities at the University of São Paulo (FFLCH-USP) and member of the adjunct panel of the FAPESP Scientific Board
also highlights the “nullity of the racial issue” and how much Rebouças was used for that purpose
largely the “spurious association” between himself and the monarchy
“Rebouças has not been praised as a Black hero,” she shares
in which abolitionism is addressed as a social movement
among the merits of this work by Mattos is that of recovering the core figure for reasons beyond the abolitionist campaign
“its most important facilitator,” but also “for many essential issues for Brazil,” a contemporary action he undertook with his brother
Alonso highlights the gaps that have still not been filled in the studies about André Rebouças
such as him having been such a successful entrepreneur
Mattos states that the Chão series may help to fill this gap
the next works expected to be published are: O engenheiro abolicionista: Diário
1882-1885 (The abolitionist engineer: Diary
1882-1885 (The incomplete abolition: Diary
1889-1891 (The emperor’s friend: Correspondence records
1889–1891); and Cartas de Funchal: Registro de correspondência
1893-1898 (Funchal’s letters: Correspondence records
The publication of Rebouças’s writings reveals new themes
such as the author’s “Tolstoism,” discussed in Mattos’s afterword in that issue
are an “important inflection of Rebouças’s liberalism,” and shaped his social thinking
Advocating for a “rural democracy,” Rebouças “remarks on the large financial capital from a rather moral perspective,” similar to that of the Russian author
is what prevents Rebouças from accepting the bridges his friends tried to build for him to return to Brazil
a letter written by Rebouças to his friend Rangel da Costa
based on a portrait of the abolitionist’s upper body
© Revista Pesquisa FAPESP - All rights reserved
ethnically diverse crowd waited in the Sala Ducale of the Apostolic Palace in Rome for the pope to arrive
the French missionary archbishop of Algiers
the group had traveled to Rome on a double pilgrimage from North Africa and from the Diocese of Lyon
Peter’s Square with camels and a special gift for the pope: a pair of gazelles wearing silver collars inscribed with Latin verse
the smiling Pope Leo XIII and his entourage entered the Sala Ducale to sustained applause from the pilgrims
It was a special year for Leo: the golden jubilee of his ordination to the priesthood
Preparations had been underway throughout nearly the entirety of 1887 for the yearlong celebration in which the pope would receive thousands of gifts from all over the world and greet an abundance of well-wishers
Among the pilgrims who traveled to Rome during Leo’s jubilee
and its uniqueness was indicated by the 12 men strategically placed at the front of the crowd
These 12 African men had been enslaved before their freedom was purchased by Lavigerie and his missionaries
They were at the head of the group because today’s audience was an unofficial celebration of the release of Pope Leo’s encyclical on slavery
the Brazilian statesman and abolitionist Joaquim Nabuco had met with Leo in a private audience and asked the pope to write the encyclical
Brazil was on the cusp of abolishing slavery
which would make it the last country in the Western Hemisphere to do so
Due to the Brazilian princess regent Isabel’s devout Catholicism
Nabuco thought a letter from the pope condemning slavery might embolden her to support abolition more aggressively
and the news about this antislavery encyclical began to spread
Cardinal Lavigerie wrote to the pope and asked him to include something about the continuing presence of slavery in Africa
The anti-abolition prime minister of Brazil
and he successfully pressed the Holy See to delay the issuance of the encyclical
had finally gotten on board with abolitionism
That revolutionary day when Leo XIII became the first pope to condemn slavery is not well known by many Catholics and is rarely mentioned in scholarship related to the church’s history
The church’s historical engagement with slaveholding is very complex
well-intentioned Catholic writers have published accounts of the church and slavery that are full of inaccuracies
those inaccurate accounts are written to defend the church in some way
Cardinal Avery Dulles wrote a book review in First Things claiming that the popes had denounced the trade in African slaves from its very beginnings and yet had never condemned slavery as such
retaining a continuity of teaching that always allowed for some “attenuated forms of servitude.” Other apologists have taken a more absolute position: The church has always been against slavery itself
Both these lines of argumentation seem to agree on two central assertions: The popes always condemned the trade in African slaves
either in its reputation or its doctrinal continuity
But when it comes to the history of the Catholic Church and slaveholding
this posture of defense has been deeply damaging
It has unnecessarily led to confusion around the church’s history with slaveholding
and that confusion has helped to prevent the church from reckoning with a troubling history whose consequences are still present in our world
The history of the church was nothing close to a steady
and still is among historians of slavery today
that the Catholic Church once embraced slavery in theory and in practice
repeatedly authorized the trade in enslaved Africans
religious and laity to keep people as enslaved chattel
owned over 20,000 enslaved people circa 1760
The Jesuits and other slaveholding bishops
priests and religious were not disciplined for their slaveholding because they were not breaking church teaching
Slaveholding was allowed by the Catholic Church
One of the reasons the church’s past approval of slaveholding is so little known among the general Catholic population today is that the very popes who reversed the church’s course on slavery and the slave trade also promoted that same inaccurate narrative that defended the church’s reputation and continuity—even
at the request of Great Britain prior to the upcoming Congress of Vienna
privately sent letters to the kings of France and Spain asking them to condemn the slave trade
condemning the trade did not equate to condemning slavery itself
“The slave trade” meant the transatlantic shipping of enslaved persons from the African continent to the New World
prior to signing an anti-slave-trade bill into law in 1807
saw no contradiction in referring to the trade as “those violations of human rights” against “the unoffending inhabitants of Africa” all while continuing to keep Black descendants of the trade’s immediate victims enslaved
but slaveholding remained legal afterward in parts of its empire
Pius’s private letters referred only to the trade
The papacy’s condemnation of the trade became a public one in 1839 with Gregory XVI’s bull “In Supremo Apostolatus.” Though the bull came
Gregory deserves praise for being the first pope to publicly condemn the Atlantic slave trade after nearly four centuries of its operation
blaming the advent of the trade on Christians who were “basely blinded by the lust of sordid greed.” And yet
Gregory did not speak directly on the issue of whether slaveholders in the Americas should free their enslaved people
So when some abolitionists in the United States greeted Gregory’s bull as a fully antislavery document
Catholic bishops like John England of Charleston
and Francis Patrick Kenrick of Philadelphia argued that the only thing the bull did was precisely what the United States had already done: ban participation in the international slave trade
and so Catholic slaveholding was able to continue in the United States and elsewhere
arguably without disobedience to church teaching
multiple times and at some of its highest levels of authority
of one of the gravest crimes against humanity in modern history
could have issued nearly the same bull as Gregory did
Gregory was just the first to choose to do it
Gregory also provided a narrative in his bull that did not present a truthful portrait of the church’s engagement with the trade
Pius VII had made an ambiguous and dubious claim that the church had helped to abolish much of the world’s slavery and that the popes had always “rejected the practice of subjecting men to barbarous slavery,” but Gregory expanded upon this claim in detail
in such great number went down into the most rigorous slavery
felt their condition very much alleviated among the Christians.” He claimed that slavery was gradually eliminated from many Christian nations because of “the darkness of pagan superstition being more fully dissipated
and the morals also of the ruder nations being softened by means of faith working by charity.”
this steady Christian march toward eliminating slavery from the earth was then interrupted by greedy Christians who reduced Black and Indigenous peoples to slavery or who bought already enslaved persons and trafficked them
Gregory claimed that the papacy had been opposed to these new situations of enslavement: “Indeed
by no means neglected to severely criticize this.” As evidence for this statement
he cited the bulls prohibiting the enslavement of Indigenous peoples in the Americas written by Paul III
as well as the then recent condemnations of the trade by Pius VII
He also included a curious reference: a 1462 letter of Pius II that
“severely rebuked those Christians who dragged neophytes into slavery.”
the early church embraced slaveholding both before and after Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire
and the medieval church expanded the ways by which someone could become enslaved beyond those allowed by pagan Rome—allowing
that women in illicit relationships with clerics could be punished with enslavement
Thomas Aquinas theologically defended the practice of keeping humans enslaved
Gregory the Great gave enslaved people to his friends as gifts
while it was true that the popes condemned the enslavement of Indigenous peoples in the Americas
the trade in African slaves was permitted and encouraged by a series of popes from Nicholas V
instead seeming to suggest that Pius II’s letter meant the popes’ hands had always been clean with regard to the trade
But Pius II’s condemnation had nothing to do with the general Portuguese trade in enslaved Africans; it instead concerned a particular instance of Catholic converts being kidnapped
Nicholas V’s bulls had specified that only non-Christians could be seized and enslaved
Pius II’s letter was in accordance with Nicholas’ permissions
While it was true that the popes condemned the enslavement of Indigenous peoples in the Americas
the trade in African slaves was permitted and encouraged by a series of popes
The inaccuracy of this narrative did not go unnoticed
The Portuguese consul in Brazil scoffed at the bull
writing that “its doctrine has been most rarely sent forth from the Palace of the Vatican
for it is well known that Nicholas V…and Calistus III…approved of the commerce in slaves” and that Sixtus IV and Leo X also approved of the trade even after the letter of Pius II
He noted that Scripture did not condemn slavery and that the popes had previously condemned only the enslavement of the Indigenous peoples of the Americas
Erroneous as Gregory’s narrative may have been
Some British and American abolitionist historians had been promoting such a narrative for decades in an attempt to argue that Christianity had historically been an antislavery religion
the American historian George Bancroft falsely claimed that the slave trade “was never sanctioned by the see of Rome.” It is possible
that Gregory XVI honestly believed this narrative to be accurate
and its publication in a papal bull meant that it would spread more widely
When Leo XIII condemned not merely the slave trade but slavery itself on that exciting day in 1888
it may have not been too shocking to most people who heard the news
Slavery was now legally abolished in the Christian world; why would the church not be opposed to it
And yet both Nabuco and Lavigerie understood that Leo was making history
The condemnations of slaveholding that Leo issued in 1888 and 1890 did not represent merely a change in policy
which itself would have been momentous enough
What the Holy Office only a couple decades prior had proclaimed was “not at all contrary to natural and divine law” was now declared by Leo to be contrary to both
Leo even used the arguments of abolitionists to make his case
There was a certain set of theological propositions that abolitionist theologians had been promoting for centuries
Gregory of Nyssa to the 19th-century abolitionists Maria Stewart
Frederick Douglass and the French Catholic journalist Augustin Cochin
These propositions had been criticized or ignored by most Catholic theologians who wrote in favor of slavery
His successors would repeat and even deepen those abolitionist ideas in their own antislavery documents over and over again
bold and praiseworthy as Leo’s abolitionist encyclicals were
he further concealed the truth about church history
conciliar and canonical approval of slavery
Leo strengthened Gregory’s narrative of a long antislavery march through history and inaccurately listed additional popes who had supposedly condemned the trade in African slaves and even slavery itself—including one of the popes who had renewed Nicholas V’s permissions
What the Holy Office only a couple decades prior had proclaimed was ‘not at all contrary to natural and divine law’ was now declared by Leo to be contrary to both
Leo may sincerely have believed these falsehoods to be true
this erroneous papal narrative has survived online and in print
who apologized for the participation of Christians in the slave trade
repeated the false claim that the trade had been condemned by Pius II
The Catholic Church’s change in teaching regarding slavery was striking
While that change raises important theological questions about ecclesiology and doctrinal development
we must reject the temptation to jump straight to those questions without also doing the hard and painful work of reckoning with this history
It is morally imperative that we admit and deal with a series of difficult truths: that the Catholic Church approved
of one of the gravest and longest-lasting crimes against humanity in modern history—and did not withdraw that approval for nearly 400 years
During the full history of the Atlantic slave trade
women and children were forced onto ships to be sent across the ocean to a life of forced labor
Almost two million did not survive that journey
The survivors and millions of their descendants
were the chattel property of other humans who had the power to whip them
force them to work unpaid their entire lives and keep their children enslaved as well
we must consider the human beings affected by the church’s actions
How many people died chained to the disease-ridden hulls of ships because the popes before Gregory XVI repeatedly failed to take a bold stand
How many enslaved people were sexually assaulted because they were placed in a legal position allowed by the popes before Leo XIII that left them vulnerable to such abuse
How many enslaved people fell away from the Catholic faith because priests told them that the oppression they were experiencing was occurring with the approval of Holy Mother Church
Our church needs to admit these past injustices
we need to do our best to repair the harm caused by the injustices our church perpetuated
Anti-slave-trade Catholic theologians of the 16th century were already writing about the need to make restitution to enslaved people
One 17th-century Capuchin even wrote about the eventual need for the descendants of slaveholders to make restitution to the descendants of the enslaved
Some religious communities have taken steps toward reconciliation
including the Jesuits of the United States
but at some point the Vatican will have to do the same
Perhaps there could be an international commission
When we consider the millions of lives the trade harmed and still harms to this day
it is difficult to imagine even the convoking of an ecumenical council as being too extreme a remedy
Pope Leo XIII righted one significant wrong when he changed the Catholic Church’s teaching on slavery in 1888
and the popes since then should be lauded for their continual denunciation of slavery
slavery-like economic practices and contemporary human trafficking
But as with every unconfessed and unaddressed sin
It takes courage to pick up that examination of conscience and pray with it
It takes courage to enter the confessional
say what needs to be said and commit to doing what needs to be done
And yet the justice and love of God demand such steps
Christopher J. Kellerman, S.J., is the author of All Oppression Shall Cease: A History of Slavery, Abolitionism, and the Catholic Church (Orbis Books
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Montevideo, May 5th 2025 - 13:40 UTC
The Governors of the Brazilian States of Pernambuco and Alagoas issued separate emergency decrees during the weekend due to heavy rains affecting 12 and 29 cities respectively
Pernambuco Governor Raquel Lyra decreed a situation of emergency in 12 cities in Zona da Mata
heavy rains have affected 2,862 people from 756 families
447 people from 656 families are displaced and 101 families are homeless
The emergency is established in the municipalities of São Benedito do Sul
Thirteen points of landslides were registered in these cities - four in Catende
it took into account the preservation of the welfare of the population and the socioeconomic activities of the affected regions and the fact that the inhabitants of the affected municipalities still do not have satisfactory conditions to overcome the damage and losses caused
The government also announced the availability of emergency funding to municipalities in distress and calamity
including those caused by heavy rains recorded in the metropolitan region of Recife and the areas of Mata and Agreste in recent days
Governor Paulo Dantas Saturday declared a situation of emergency in 29 municipalities
The municipalities reached by the decree are Atalaia
Over 22,000 people have been affected statewide
2,756 people were left homeless and 19,273 people have been displaced
2,862 people have been affected by the rains in the state
of which 447 are homeless and 101 are displaced
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é uma das obras mais destacadas de Josué de Castro - Foto: Acervo Fundação Joaquim Nabuco-MiE
“It wasn’t at the Sorbonne or any other wise university that I first knew about the phenomenon of hunger
It was revealed to me spontaneously before my eyes
in the miserable neighborhoods of the city of Recife: Afogados
That was my Sorbonne: the mud of Recife's mangroves full of crabs and human beings.”
That’s how doctor and geographer Josué de Castro, born in Pernambuco state, defines himself in the book “Of Men and Crabs” (1966). By looking at the unequal landscapes of Recife, he was able to understand the real causes of hunger
a serious problem that affected the world's population in the middle of the 20th century and continues to do so to this day.
When the 1964 military coup happened
Josué was chief ambassador to Geneva
He was removed from the post and died in exile
but internationally renowned for presenting an innovative look at one of the saddest problems in the world: hunger.
In the third episode of the series “Futuro interrompido: as consequências da ditadura militar para o Nordeste” (Future interrupted: the consequences of the military dictatorship for the Northeast region)
Brasil de Fato recalls how the coup interrupted Josué de Castro's political rise and curbed for two decades many important ideas that are still guiding public policies to combat hunger.
what he defended in parliament and what the military did with all his work
Josué made efforts to reveal concrete political and social causes of hunger
Josué de Castro was born in 1908 in Recife
the son of a sertanejo (someone from the Sertão region) who married an heiress to large sugar cane plantations
he grew up surrounded by the mud of mangroves
With a degree in medicine, Josué stood out for his work on nutrition in the 1930s and 1940s
Then President Getúlio Vargas invited him to draw up a social survey
Collected data was later used to ground the idea of the minimum wage policy implemented by Vargas
"There was a lot of talk about hunger
‘There's hunger here and there,’ but nobody could see where it was
That's what's so innovative about his work," says Marina Gusmão
researcher and author of the book O combatente da fome: Josué de Castro: 1930-1973 (“The Hunger Fighter: Josué de Castro: 1930-1973” in a rough translation).
That's what people used to say," she adds
The first time Josué de Castro pointed out hunger as a social problem was in a factory in Recife
He had been hired to investigate the reasons for the supposed unproductivity of employees
His response was surprising and caused a stir among industrialists
"He did a study and concluded that it was impossible to increase workers’ productivity because they were suffering from hunger
so he had no solution to the problem," says Marina Gusmão
In 1946, Josué de Castro published The Geography of Hunger, a classic work and a reference for scholars on the causes of hunger worldwide. With this book, he literally put on the map the regions that were actually living in famine conditions. He then offered political solutions to the problem
“‘The Geography of Hunger’ divides Brazil into geographical areas
but according to criteria that he established
in which he points out areas where there is acute hunger
and so on," recalls Marina Gusmão
In an interview for the documentary film Josué – um cidadão do mundo
geographer Milton Santos recalls the innovative character of the Pernambuco thinker: "I believe that Josué plays two important roles: firstly
to show the generality of the phenomenon of hunger and
one of the most important hunger activists in Brazil
highlighted the revolutionary nature of Josué's work: "The Geography of Hunger was a must-read book due to the topic he approached
I think it was he who said that there is hunger in Brazil
He was the one who gave hunger political and scientific status when he raised this issue."
The Northeast Brazilian region that Josué studied was marked
severe child malnutrition and low life expectancy
Per capita income in the region was US$ 96
much lower than in the center-southern Brazil
according to data cited by Vandeck Santiago in his book Pernambuco em chamas – a intervenção dos EUA e o golpe de 1964
from 30% of GDP in the 1930s to just 11% of the GDP in the 1950s
From a health point of view, the level of malnutrition was extremely high. Children between the ages of five and ten had only 10% of the weight and height of those in the same age group in the United States
Daily calorie intake was below the minimum conditions recommended at the time
according to a survey carried out by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) in 1957
Only 4% of children were breastfed after six months of age
according to data in the book The Revolution That Never Was
"He says that the history of humanity is a history of hunger and goes on to show that hunger was always hidden
People pretended the problem didn't exist
It only came to light scandalously at the end of the Second World War
when people in concentration camps were freed and the world saw them
already in a catatonic state due to hunger," says Marina Gusmão
"He worked on the progressive spectrum
among those who understood that governments should act in favor of the most socially and economically excluded segments of society and
those who are hungry," says political scientist Túlio Velho Barreto
The coup silences Josué's ideas
With the military coup of 1964, Josué de Castro became an enemy of the country. He was included on the list of first people to be persecuted, alongside President Jango and other authorities
He lost his ambassadorial post and had his political rights revoked
where he taught geography at the University of Vincennes
he also traveled to various countries in Asia and Africa
spreading his recent revolutionary thesis on hunger
He remained abroad until his death in the 1970s
"Josué de Castro's work was something that bothered the military
the maintenance of status from the point of view of the elite
and the dependence of the starving population on rulers," analyzes political scientist Túlio Velho Barreto
Despite the silence imposed by the dictatorship, Josué de Castro continued to be studied by many researchers at universities, read by artists and adopted as a political reference for people’s movements, especially those fighting for agrarian reform
In 2004, President Lula quoted Castro during the launching ceremony of the Food and Nutrition Security Council (CONSEA
The event took place in Olinda (Pernambuco state)
Lula pointed out that the geographer is a reference and that he dared to do what everyone else had neglected
"A Brazilian like him should never have been punished
but rewarded because he was concerned about something that the state should have been concerned about," he said
the Mãos Solidárias Campaign
organized by the Landless Workers' Movement (MST)
created the Solidary People's Kitchens project
The initiative is based on Josué de Castro’s ideas and provides weekly meals for food-insecure families in various areas of the Metropolitan Region of Recife
is the coordinator of the Vila dos Milagres Solidarity Kitchen in Ibura
She is in charge of preparing meals donated every week
She describes the difficulties families face and the persistence of hunger
despite the resumption of public policies in President Lula's third term
Some people live almost in the mud: they don't have sanitation or a home," she denounces
The Mãos Solidárias Campaign understands Josué de Castro's thesis on the causes of food insecurity and tries
to denounce those who favor this environment of crisis
hunger and helplessness for families living in impoverished areas
"We see that hunger is not simply a lack of food, because there is food. If you go to supermarkets, production and agribusiness are increasingly making more profits
of technology or production so that this food reaches people
It's a political problem of social organization," explains Tomás Agra
All original content produced and editorially authored by Brasil de Fato may be reproduced
provided it is not altered and proper credit is given
All original content produced and editorially authored by Brasil de Fato may be reproduced
After being sold into slavery by his father
Luiz Gama transformed his personal story into a fight for abolition and the Republic
Militão Augusto de AzevedoLuiz GamaMilitão Augusto de Azevedo
Luiz Gama was a man as extraordinary as he was complex
starting with his achievements: abolitionist
He belonged to a generation that was instrumental in the downfall of the Second Empire in Brazil in the 19th century
he immersed himself in the struggles and conflicts of the era
such as the relationships between Church and State
a choice that reflected his own personal story: Gama had been a slave; as a child
he drew from his dramatic and epic history the strength and stubbornness to free more than 500 slaves
His name adorns public areas throughout Brazil
understand him and put a spotlight on him has been the work of researchers such as Ligia Fonseca Ferreira
a professor at the Federal University of São Paulo (Unifesp)
She is the author of a doctoral thesis on the life and work of the former slave
which she defended at the University of Paris III – Sorbonne Nouvelle
Ferreira is black and has taken on the responsibility of studying someone with whom she has a more complex relationship than a neutral researcher would normally have with her subject
“Sometimes the work of black researchers about black historical figures who affirmed this common identity is underrated
Ferreira’s contribution to understanding Luiz Gama is remarkable
She organized the critical reissue of Primeiras trovas burlescas & outros poemas de Luiz Gama [First Burlesque Ballads & Other Poems of Luiz Gama] (Martins Fontes
Maxims (Government Printing Office of the State of São Paulo
with an emphasis on French language and literature
Ferreira became aware of the abolitionist when she did research at the Sorbonne between 1987 and 1988 on black literature in Brazil
a field in which Gama was no less than the pioneer
But given the fragmented documentation on the poet
study centers and even secondhand bookstores
Primeiras trovas burlescas de Getulino was published in 1859 in São Paulo
and a meager number of printers and booksellers
and three by the politician and law professor José Bonifácio
The choice of the pseudonym “Getulino,” derived from “Getulia,” an ancient territory in North Africa
already indicated that the author was of African origin
entering the restricted circle of scholars
the work was reissued in Rio de Janeiro by the same press that published the romantic novels by José de Alencar
In the second “corrected and supplemented” edition
to write and be read were two ways to stay close to power
Try to put yourself in the place of a former slave
Then imagine using your writings to satirize the politicians and customs of the day
criticizing the “educated elite” and raising the issues of corruption
the whitening of mulattos who renounced their roots
By publishing a compilation in 2000 containing the entire poetic output of the abolitionist
Ferreira opened up a fruitful field of study
Luiz Gama waves the flag of the dissident liberals who would not accept the Republic without the abolition of slaveryCabrião
and a gentleman of Portuguese origin and member of a prominent Bahian family
The abolitionist son never revealed the name of the father who had sold him into slavery
He was turned over to the dealer and smuggler Antônio Pereira Cardoso
“obtained in a cunning and secretive way inconclusive evidence of his freedom,” he fled the Cardoso house
Just two years before his death on July 25
Luiz Gama sent a letter to Lúcio de Mendonça
one of the founders of the Brazilian Academy of Letters
revealing some new facts about his biography
Ferreira found this document in the National Library in Rio de Janeiro
“It is one of the few accounts of the life of a former slave in Brazil
In the history of blacks and Brazilian literature
as are found so frequently in the United States,” she says
This text is key to understanding how Gama became an influential voice in the republican and abolitionist movements
Ferreira published it in her book Com a palavra
Maxims—a work that brings together a selection of over 40 texts
The letter was addressed to José Carlos Rodrigues
the first periodical published in Portuguese in the United States
Gama talks about the republican movement in Brazil and the Masonic Lodge America
whose distinguished members included Rui Barbosa and Joaquim Nabucco
thanks to the divine ineptitude of Pedro II
is seriously organizing itself throughout the empire,” he wrote
he argued that the establishment of a republic should be accompanied by abolition
His conviction was such that he abandoned the Itu Convention (1873)
upon finding coffee growers who opposed the emancipation of slaves in the foundation of the São Paulo Republican Party
Correio Paulistanoadvertisement in which he offers his laborCorreio Paulistano
Luiz Gama was already a well known personality
he and the Italian cartoonist Angelo Agostini founded O Diabo Coxo
the first illustrated humorous periodical of São Paulo
he vehemently criticized the slave regime and went on to suffer from political persecution
His anger turned against the abuse of the Moderating Power [one of the four imperial powers
executive and judicial] and against emperor Pedro II himself
whose image had been badly tarnished by the Paraguayan War (1864-1870)
Luiz Gama received a license to practice law in the lower courts
and that same year he founded the Clube Radical Paulistano with other members of the Masonic Lodge
Gama revealed the fragility of the judicial system
as when he unearthed the Law of November 7
in order to free Africans sold after that date
he clashed with one of the leading judges of the capital
whom Gama demanded should “respect the law and do his duty
to what is paid for by the sweat of the nation.” Gama’s speech remains very current today
He was also owner and editor of the political and satirical weekly O Polichinelo (1876)
The press and freemasonry were crucial to Gama’s activism
because they gave him space to defend republican ideals and supported him in his liberation of slaves
There were other black abolitionists in the 19th century such as journalists Ferreira de Menezes and José do Patrocínio
but none of them had experienced the ordeal of slavery
One can compare Gama only to American abolitionists
author of The Life of an American Slave (1845)
Gama expressed admiration for the United States
for him “the beacon of universal democracy.” An exemplary model: a federative republic of free and equal citizens
and anchored in the Enlightenment ideals of liberty
Gama was disturbed by the fact that Brazil remained the only monarchy in the Americas and last slave nation in the Western Hemisphere
in her article Representações da América nos escritos de Luiz Gama [Representations of America in the Writings of Luiz Gama]
to be published in the Revista de Estudos Afroasiáticos
Gama’s lack of allusions to race riots and the segregation of blacks in the United States after slavery was abolished
She has called attention to the fact that Gama never mentions Joaquim Nabuco in his writings
and the latter almost never mentioned Gama
former president of the province of São Paulo and denounced by Gama for his complicity in the illegal enslavement of Africans
probably tired of waiting for the liberation of Africans
if insurrection is a “crime,” “resistance” would appear to be a “civic virtue.” Joaquim Nabuco
was convinced that abolition should be carried out by parliamentary means
having not lived to see the liberation of slaves and the end of the Empire
Ferreira notes that Gama was spared from seeing the birth of the Republic by military coup
realizing that the ideals of equality among men were not being applied
and learning that one of the purposes of the immigration policy had been to “whiten” Brazil in order to eliminate traces of the stigmatized and troublesome African presence in Brazil
Vidya Amalia Rimayanti
TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Thanksgiving
an annual holiday celebrated in the United States and Canada
is particularly rich in tradition symbolized by turkey
Often associated with counting the blessings of the year
Thanksgiving celebrations in other parts of the world have evolved beyond their religious origins
Thanksgiving traditions might vary across continents
primarily due to each country’s long-standing cultural heritage. To better understand the occasion
this article unveils a few countries that celebrate Thanksgiving
Celebrated on the fourth Thursday of November, Thanksgiving is one of the most favored holidays in the United States
bringing families together to share a hearty meal together
The celebration not only unites people in America
but it also serves others in the community
as manifested through food donations across the country
colleges accommodate a special meal for students who stay on campus
allowing international students to experience the bountiful festivities.
Before it was established as an official statutory holiday in all of Canada's provinces and territories except Prince Edward Island
Thanksgiving went through several evolutions in terms of celebration dates and causes.
Though the first began in 1777 at the request of Protestant clergy
modern Canadian celebrations of the holiday are more subdued and often limited to small-scale family gatherings
Thanksgiving was first brought to Brazil by Joaquim Nabuco
a Brazilian ambassador to the United States
and later established as a national holiday by President Gaspar Dutra in 1949
Although not as widely celebrated as other festivals
this celebration generally centers around food
Brazilians spend their Thanksgiving holidays surrounded by loved ones
gathering for warm meals that include turkey
cranberry is not a common Thanksgiving menu item in Brazil
A growing number of Australians have embraced the American Thanksgiving tradition
celebrating the holiday with a feast on the last Wednesday in November
was brought by American whaling ships to Norfolk Island
which is recorded as part of the Australian territory.
Over the years, Thanksgiving celebrations in Australian houses have not left American menus
The Pilgrims, the community that first coined the harvest celebration, spent time in the city of Leiden in the Netherlands
The Thanksgiving custom was further perpetuated by these immigrants and has since been followed by many of Leiden's current residents.
the annual Thanksgiving celebration at the Pieterskerk
but rather on the perseverance and good fortunes of the early American settlers.
all of the countries that celebrate Thanksgiving mentioned on the list above have been heavily influenced by the American Thanksgiving
indicating its importance in its origin country.
Editor's Choice: Top 10 Best Countries to Live in 2024, United States Ranks Third
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Study reconstructs the role of the abolitionist movement as a social force that led to the freeing of slaves
Public Domain Image Open-air mass in celebration of abolition and illustration depicting an abolitionist, two slaves, and ParliamentPublic Domain Image
Public Domain Image Abolitionist confederation in 1888, with José do Patrocínio (standing, first on left) and André Rebouças (seated, first on left)Public Domain Image
Public Domain Image Parliament during voting of the Golden Law in 1888…Public Domain Image
Public Domain Image …and the crowd outside: the text of the law was cut to the minimum necessaryPublic Domain Image
Judicial activism The strategy spawned a nationwide campaign
which was successful mainly in Ceará and Amazonas
provinces that had relatively few slaves and counted on abolitionist governors
the movement resulted in the abolition of slavery within province borders in 1884
and the territory became a destination for runaway slaves and freedmen from all over the country
Another strategy that drew its inspiration from abroad was that of Luiz Gama
who looked for legal loopholes and petitioned the court to grant slaves their freedom
“Gama was part of a faction of abolitionism that defended judicial activism
who believed reform should come through parliament,” says Fonseca
Alonso argues that “they didn’t strictly disagree
each relying on a different style of activism.”
The freeing of the slaves in Ceará ushered in the “vote” phase
When Sousa Dantas was appointed to head the imperial government in 1884
abolitionists helped draft the government’s program and launched 51 candidates in support of it
“less at the polls than in the counting,” according to Alonso
Cotegipe’s pro-slavery government took over
with the police force and plainclothes militias openly and fiercely repressing abolitionist activities
“It was at this point that the process of civil disobedience burgeoned,” the researcher says
José do Patrocínio declared that “true abolitionists are prepared to die.” In the opinion of the historian Carlos Castilho
professor at Vanderbilt University in the United States
this attests to the valuable role that social movements played in this process
“The struggles for political and civic participation have their own histories
and historiography needs to rethink them,” says Castilho
Thanks largely to abolitionism as a social movement
abolitionism enjoyed the tacit support of the urban population
which remained silent about runaway slaves,” says Alonso
“Slavery was eaten away at from all sides.” Yet the process ended in a stalemate
but the abolitionists were unable to implement their program to extend rights to freedmen
The cabinet of João Alfredo Correa de Oliveira – prime minister to Emperor Pedro II – triumphed in its effort to make the Golden Law a mere two-paragraph declaration that did not compensate slave owners for their losses but also did not guarantee former slaves a dignified life
University of São Paulo/Brazilian Center for Analysis and Planning); Investment R$ 116,566.11
votos e balas – O movimento abolicionista brasileiro (1868-88) (Flowers
and bullets: the Brazilian abolitionist movement [1868-1888])
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