New narratives for the Spanish cities of Ceuta and Melilla ThemeThe discourse surrounding the autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla needs to be strengthened with new narratives that emphasise their status as democratic European societies SummaryThis paper presents new approaches to Spain’s narrative regarding the ‘Spanishness’ of Ceuta and Melilla both on the domestic and international stages At present the story is largely based on historical entitlements enshrined in the treaties negotiated with the Sultans between the 18th and 20th centuries and on the respect for the principle of Spain’s territorial integrity These arguments can be supplemented by new narratives that locate the cities of Ceuta and Melilla within Spain’s sovereign democracy in the context of an axis of democratic European states in a non-democratic regional setting This also involves delving deeper into the reality of the cities as multicultural democracies with full respect for the Council of Europe’s human rights and the basic democratic values of the EU where a special role is assigned to the rule of law and the principles of tolerance solidarity and structural equality between men and women there is an obligation for Spain and the EU to safeguard the ‘democratic security’ of the autonomous cities and the 170,000 European citizens who consider them their home the cities stand in need of a rejuvenated and positive perception from Spain and Europe promoting their unique values in the Euro-Mediterranean context Insofar as the territorial claim is concerned the underlying positions are not going to change Morocco is going to celebrate 70 years of independence steadfastly retaining its aim of annexing these territories in the context of an irredentism that continues to aspire to its natural or ‘authentic’ borders (2011 Constitution) This is a State policy conducted with discernment and determination adapting it to scenarios of international politics and relations with Spain Spain considers that it has valid legal entitlements to sovereignty pursuant to international law There are various entitlements for each territory: in the case of the cities a claim of occupation by the kingdom of Castile (Melilla) and of assignment from Portugal (Ceuta); moreover Spain’s presence and sovereignty was repeatedly confirmed by the pre-sovereign Moroccan entity by virtue of treaties signed with Sultans dating back to the 18th century Spain’s traditionally reactive attitude and lack of initiative mean that greater involvement and presence on the part of the EU is required to recalibrate bilateral Spain-Morocco relations.[2] Admittedly Spain’s legal case has been sufficiently solid to enable it to get along without substantive threats supported and protected for more than 40 years by the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and with the unchallenged coverage provided by the protective European umbrella which looms over Ceuta and Melilla without respite obliges Spain to modify its perception of the problem and equip itself with fresh arguments amid a historical situation of great upheaval In this context, Spain must first and foremost bear in mind the fact that Morocco is a geopolitical partner of the utmost importance. At the same time, it should not overlook the fact that Morocco views Spain (the converse does not hold) as a geostrategic adversary,[3] essentially because it stands in the way of it securing its key national a struggle it is permanently and actively engaged in This twofold status of Morocco (a fundamental geopolitical partner but one that views Spain as a geostrategic adversary impeding its full realisation as an independent State) is one that Spain sometimes loses sight of; and in truth it is Spain’s only neighbour that has this twofold condition This leads to relations often being labelled as ‘awkward’ when in reality what is required is a specific foreign policy towards Morocco well differentiated from other countries in the Maghreb North Africa and the Sahel; a policy that befits Spain’s southern neighbour which is neither a democratic State nor bound by the values of the rule of law human rights or respect for international law; and with territorial goals written in to its national DNA as an independent State inducing it to pursue the break-up of Spain’s sovereign democratic territory These objective facts must lead us to set out a recalibration of Spain’s overall position and arguments regarding the autonomous cities Subsequent analysis will also focus on Vélez significances and singular statuses for Spain’s islands and promontories in the southern Mediterranean clearly differentiated from those of the democratic cities According to the Real Academia Española (Royal Spanish Academy a relato is a ‘discursive reconstruction of certain events’ (third meaning) with an interpretation that tries to promote a particular position Thus it is not a case of artificially constructing a discourse for the cities so much as making a selection of ideas and motifs and of new connections with existing discourses with the goal of lending greater solidity to Spain’s arguments and reasoning regarding the cities; and especially conveying greater communicative coherence on the Spanish side The entitlements to the acquisition of sovereignty over these territories submitted by Spain are valid in international law Their acceptance is assessed in accordance with the intertemporal law in light of the historical circumstances pertaining to each case The claims are extremely well founded in terms of jurisprudence but with debatable value in terms of current international relations since they can easily be cast into doubt by the political assessments of governments and public opinion regarding the era of colonialism emphasis should be placed on the strongest legal claim which is that of the historical origin of the State between the end of the mediaeval period and the beginning of the modern age Although there is scope for debate about the exact moment when Spain came into being as a political entity and sovereign international subject it seems clear that it was a process that took place at the end of the mediaeval period; and it was precisely in this period that the incorporation of Ceuta and Melilla into the Portuguese (1415) and Spanish (1497) Crowns took place contemporaneously with the incorporation of the kingdom of Granada (1492) Focusing the original legal claim of Spanish sovereignty over Ceuta and Melilla on the period of the late Middle Ages and the end of the mediaeval era is the best legal option given the strength inherent in the primordial claim rooted in the historical origins of any State It is true that the assignment from Portugal to Spain took place later but it is a derivative claim to sovereignty that does not alter the original Portuguese claim of 1415 Ceuta became part of the combined monarchy This enables us not to rely on the basic legal claims to sovereignty contained in the subsequent treaties signed between Spain and the Sultan These treaties constitute derivative claims highly valuable for the territorial demarcations and delimitations of the cities confirming Spanish presence over the course of five centuries accepted by the pre-sovereign political entities in the territories of what is now Morocco one has to choose the strongest legal claim for the argument which is the primary one of the historical birth of the current Spanish State a comparison of territorial claims on the international scene reveals that territories that were constitutive of States at the time of their genesis territories that have formed an integral part of such States for various centuries anchoring the main Spanish sovereignty entitlement to the end of the mediaeval period and to the historical origins of the State enables a degree of distancing from the later period of European colonisations in subsequent centuries something that mirrors the juridical-political reality of the cities; and it accounts for the fact that during the protectorate era in the 20th century Ceuta and Melilla had full legal status and standing as Spanish territories because they were plazas de soberanía (technically and etymologically ‘a place unlike the surrounding territory of the Spanish protectorate established both in the north and south of what is now Morocco Morocco has repeatedly referred to Ceuta and Melilla using terminology with a pejorative and derogatory undertone: garrisons; occupied expropriated or usurped cities; enclaves; and colonial enclaves Here it is merely pointed out that, with regard to the ‘enclaves’ label, the cities cannot be ‘enclaves’ in the legal sense since they do not meet the requirement of being isolated and completely surrounded or enclosed by the territory of another State.[4] ‘Cities’ ‘European cities’ or ‘autonomous cities’ are better options With regard to the reality of being located on the African continent it is preferable to emphasise their status and essence as European cities in Africa As Euro-Mediterranean cities or European cities of the southern Mediterranean forming part of the territory of the Union have the characteristic of being located on the southern coast of the Mediterranean Sea islands and promontories avoids mixing all the various territories as an indistinct whole which are of a very different nature and status and safeguards the undiluted status of Ceuta and Melilla as European cities there is another terminological point: Ceuta and Melilla are sometimes erroneously referred to as subject to a dispute or conflict with Morocco But the use of the concept of ‘international dispute’ –which is an extremely serious matter in international law– does not reflect the reality and damages Spain’s interests overseen by the United Nations (UN) and by international institutions such as the EU and subject to the principles of peaceful resolution and negotiation Ceuta and Melilla do not constitute a ‘dispute’ acknowledged by Spain or recognised by the UN or by any international organ or institution it is a case only of a permanent territorial claim or demand on the part of Morocco The strongest argument in these new narratives being put forward for Ceuta and Melilla involves repositioning the Spanish advocacy of the cities within the oppositional pairing of Democracy and the rule of law vs Authoritarianism and illiberalism The suggestion is therefore that of offering new democratic perspectives in Spain’s accounts of Ceuta and Melilla Currently they are mainly based on the legal entitlements drawn from the treaties negotiated with the Sultans in the 18th-20th centuries and with regard to the principle of Spain’s territorial integrity The proposals seek to complement these arguments with new narratives positioning the cities of Ceuta and Melilla as part of Spain’s sovereign democracy within the political context of the EU and the framework of the Council of Europe within an axis of democratic European States that conduct relations with a neighbourhood and regional contexts that are non-democratic It is a matter of foregrounding the twofold membership of Spain –and by extension its autonomous cities– of the two foremost international organisations in Europe for democratic principles and values: the EU and the Council of Europe Both have immense legal systems in operation stemming from the process of European integration with its primary and secondary legislation; and in the case of the Council of Europe stemming from the multiple treaties and entities bound up with the European identity and the human rights fostered by its normative framework both judicial systems find legal application and expression through each of the statutes of their member States Through their interwoven legal and institutional systems the Council of Europe and the EU constitute a space of ‘democratic security’ in Europe to which the cities belong; with the consequences of the existence of a Statute of European Citizenship and fundamental rights enjoyed by the approximately 170,000 nationals of member States and foreigners resident in Ceuta and Melilla they are the only cities on African soil where the European Convention on Human Rights and other conventions of the Council of Europe are fully applicable with the complete assurance of respecting and protecting the values of democracy These are the basic democratic principles of the EU and the Council of Europe and are fully applied in the autonomous cities This discourse emphasises Ceuta and Melilla as territories of multicultural democratic coexistence respect and effective safeguarding of human rights and minorities and the structural principle of male-female equality Delving deeper into the reality of the cities reveals some underappreciated –indeed unknown– characteristics that render them unique They constitute multicultural democracies with full respect for the human rights recognised by the Council of Europe and for the EU’s basic democratic principles in which the rule of law and the principles of tolerance non-discrimination and respect for minorities all play a special role The centuries-long reality of the cities is one of peaceful coexistence between cultures and religions Both Ceuta and Melilla provide examples of coexistence within a Spanish autonomous territory These populations and minorities live together democratically in accordance with the Spanish constitution and the European treaties concerning integration and human rights The narratives surrounding Ceuta and Melilla need also to be furnished with the cities’ positive aspects casting them as pluri-secular centres of multicultural coexistence and respect for religious minorities and the European interconnections with the surrounding Maghreb In this regard, the Council of Europe has drawn up a Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, to which Spain has been a signatory since 1998. In its reports, Spain extends the application of the Convention’s provisions only to Spanish citizens belonging to the Roma community It may be in Spain’s strategic interest to extend its application to the Muslim and Berber communities and other minorities living in Ceuta and Melilla something that would enable these groups to benefit formally from the Framework Convention’s provisions in a territorial context limited to the autonomous cities The idea of broadening the practical scope of the Framework Convention exclusively to the two cities would very symbolically complement and strengthen the democratic system in Ceuta and Melilla lending conspicuous visibility to their European singularity in the context of the southern Mediterranean The fact that they are external land borders of the Schengen area makes Ceuta and Melilla unique in the European context The negative perception induced by migration problems may be tackled using various approaches: first by involving Morocco in the management and monitoring of the migratory flows which should form part not only of a constant EU migration policy towards Morocco but also a specific Spanish policy regarding Morocco part of a general geostrategy covering the Straits of Gibraltar Spain and the EU should raise the international profile of respect for human rights at the border applying an integrated policy of absolute respect at the border itself and in the subsidiary areas with a guarantee to honour everyone’s fundamental rights especially those most in need of international protection maritime or at airports) are generally places of weakness for respecting human rights but those of Ceuta and Melilla are particularly sensitive This approach of respecting human rights is absolutely essential due to the ideas of multiculturalism and European values because it enables positive discourses to be offered highlighting the extraordinary values inherent in the cities within the European and regional context There is a lesser-known aspect that Morocco has not been interested in developing which is cross-border cooperation in the local area All the data confirm that Morocco has turned down sizeable European structural funds on the grounds of the two cities being included in the European programmes (for example the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument –ENPI– in the 2006-13 period) This opening of customs posts has probably not been accompanied by a strategic reflection on the future economic model of the cities or the cross-border trading relationship with Morocco and the EU Here it is worth pointing out some of the factors that are involved in this question: the full integration of Ceuta and Melilla into the European Customs Union which continues to be an open issue; deciding whether the customs will allow for full EU-Morocco trade or only trade limited to northern Moroccan areas and/or particular products; Morocco being able to prevent the commercial customs facilities (not the current posts) constituting a precedent for the indirect recognition of Spanish sovereignty; and it is possible that Morocco fears that fully normalised commercial customs with Spain and the EU may compete with its own development hubs which it is promoting in its northern regions (Tangiers-Tetuan-Al Hoceima and Oriental) there is Morocco’s ever greater difficulty involving the small-scale crossing of people between the cities and their Moroccan surroundings The practice of the porteadoras (literally ‘carrier women’) in the so-called ‘atypical trade’ was an ignominious slippery slope that needed to be eliminated the maintenance of strict day-to-day restrictions at the border posts for Moroccans and Spaniards and their goods may point to a structural change in the Moroccan position with the regard to residents crossing from one side of the border to the other For a long time Morocco likened the situations of Ceuta and Melilla to the Spanish claim to Gibraltar Here there is a very important circumstance that it would be in Spain’s interest to explore The link between the cases of Ceuta and Melilla and Gibraltar is legally inadmissible but inevitable on the stages of international public opinion and in international forums and organisations; sometimes it is even aired on the occasion of Spanish-British crises.[16] The nature of the two cases is of course completely different.[17] Morocco has ceased making a comparison between the two cases on either side of the Strait a parallel that had formerly been drawn frequently in its strategy of reclamation if promotion of the Gibraltar-Ceuta/Melilla comparison is no longer in Morocco’s interest it is possible that the comparison could be of value to Spain’s interests now and in the future Morocco’s current relative silence is probably due to the recognition of the process of internal self-determination and the commitment to consult the population in the case of Gibraltar it is about the need to offer democratic respect to the people most affected in Gibraltar and in the Campo de Gibraltar district incorporating the interests of the population into decisions about the future of these territories one that Morocco probably has no interest in spilling over into the autonomous cities Here it must be pointed out that the reasoning and motivation for a plebiscite is different in the case of Gibraltar compared to the case of the autonomous cities ‘listening to’ or ‘consulting’ the population of Gibraltar about its interests and aspirations regarding the definitive solution reached by the UK and Spain is mandatory Gibraltar has its particular democratic system as an overseas territory As far as the inhabitants of the Campo de Gibraltar district are concerned, domestically their interests need to be borne in mind; these have been progressively identified and integrated into the Spanish position on what comprise Spain’s general interests regarding Gibraltar.[19] As a domestic rather than an international matter the populations of Ceuta and Melilla are consulted on an ongoing basis within the framework of Spanish democracy regional/local and general elections (and referendums such as the 2004 vote on the European constitution) where they exercise the so-called right of domestic self-determination There is no ‘people’ of Ceuta or Melilla with a right to external self-determination able to make a declaration about their adherence or separation from a State nor is the matter internationalised as it is in the case of Gibraltar neither Gibraltar nor Ceuta or Melilla have the right to external self-determination (the right to decide their future by balloting their population which includes the option of independence) whereas the three cities have and exercise their right of internal self-determination (right to democratic government) under the umbrella and oversight of the Council of Europe and the EU the Gibraltar-Ceuta/Melilla comparison regarding democratic respect for the interests of the populations in the three cities can be appropriated as an element of the narratives concerning the Spanish position on the autonomous cities There is a democratic connection between Ceuta Melilla and Gibraltar to the extent that there is an international obligation to listen to and bear in mind the interests of the Gibraltarian population Spain incorporates the interests of the Campo de Gibraltar inhabitants into its position and the Spaniards living in Ceuta and Melilla periodically cast their ballots in a democratic regime with European values It is in Spain’s interest when facing Morocco to bolster this democratic connection between the European cities flanking the Strait The link to the Council of Europe and the EU which is shared and extremely powerful in all three cities provides a major argument for the case that the three cities form part of the same European democratic sphere their highly singular institutional and economic characteristics could be better interwoven Gibraltar currently finds itself in a decisive moment in its relations with Spain because a specific UK-EU treaty on Gibraltar is being negotiated that will place Gibraltar’s relations with Spain and the EU on a stable footing There are two ideas that are worth highlighting in relation to the autonomous cities it is more than likely that a future Gibraltarian model as an ‘internationalised’ city will pose a theoretical and practical example for the other side of the Strait If a new and stable reality is agreed for Gibraltar and the Campo de Gibraltar area by means of an EU treaty the format may serve Spain as the basis of a strategy towards Morocco the international comparison regarding the cities on the other side of the Strait will be inevitable These unique circumstances and situation endorse the reinforcement of the cities equipping them with a special status within the EU framework A unique legal status within EU law could be determined by a specific appellation for example ‘European Cities of the southern Mediterranean’ highly influenced by their character as EU cities with an external land border in Africa; but also because they are cities that combine their status as EU territories where the Council of Europe’s legal system is applied and due to their unique location on the southern Mediterranean coast Ceuta and Melilla’s new and exclusive status could be established by the EU ex novo as a tailor-made solution for the cities whose unique character as democratic spaces of equality and multicultural coexistence in the north of Africa must be preserved as much as possible within the framework of the policies This possible new made-to-measure status for the cities would find a legal foundation in the EU Treaties devised for its creation.[22] Meriting special attention in this new EU status would be its adaptation to certain European policies and measures State aid and the cities’ access as recipients of various structural programmes and funds as well as those related to external borders and immigration It is a matter of not only ensuring the best conditions but also of ensuring that there is a provision in the European regulations for specific programmes for adapting the Funds to the singular situation of the cities of the southern Mediterranean with an external border on the African continent Ceuta and Melilla have a potentially enormous scope for projecting Europe in the western Mediterranean region Spanish geopolitics and also European geopolitics should explicitly incorporate the fully democratic spaces and their multicultural populations that the cities comprise there is an obligation for Spain and the EU to safeguard the ‘democratic security’ of the autonomous cities Spain bears a special responsibility in the Straits region as the only EU member State with jurisdiction sovereignty and competences to preserve and underwrite the Council of Europe and the EU’s prevailing European space of ‘democratic security’ in these African coastal territories It is the most conspicuous consequence of being the only European State responsible for the security of the democratic spaces and territories on the southern European shore The argument being put forward is not so much artificially forcing the EU to join or involve itself in these sensitive questions between Spain and Morocco but rather to extract all the consequences from the fact that Spain applies and is the guarantor of EU law in all its territories It is the State that has to ensure that the EU and Council of Europe’s democratic values and human rights are protected and respected in the area of the Strait it is a case of accepting the utter reality of the fact that Spain is the only EU State with sovereignty jurisdiction and control in the Straits area the construction of a ‘geopolitical Europe’ with its own and universal geostrategic outlook supports the argument being advanced here adding the need of a specific geopolitical axis of the EU’s own security focused on the Straits of Gibraltar In a context such as the war of aggression against Ukraine the EU has unanimously rejected the use of force to change the borders or the territorial integrity of that country The invasion threatens the rules-based international order and the principles of the UN Charter as well as the security order in the European continent which are also the borders of the common territory of the EU should be demanded by the EU from those States that threaten to annex territories and to change borders in the Straits area with the same forthrightness that the EU has reacted in its foreign policy on Ukraine ConclusionsRenovating Spain’s narratives and discourses regarding the cities of Ceuta and Melilla is desirable given the current situation involving systemic changes to the international order and society and the need to anticipate and forestall crisis scenarios international forums and international public opinion may no longer align with the legal logic frequently espoused by Spain Spain has traditionally adopted a reactive stance in its relations with Morocco which means that the unceasing Moroccan effort to reclaim part of Spain’s constitutional territory is a constant factor This makes the country’s southern neighbour unique in terms of Spanish foreign policy The renewal of narratives has a particular bearing on the cities and affects aspects such as the terminology cross-border cooperation and the connection with Gibraltar Two aspects for supporting Spanish narratives can be highlighted: the first involves basing the discourse on the oppositional pairing of democracy-European values vs authoritarianism-illiberalism; this enables the reality of the democratic Spanish and European spaces represented by the cities to be assertively advanced citing the full application of the basic principles of human rights multicultural and multireligious identity of the cities the creation of a specific legal status within the EU is proposed adapted to the needs of Ceuta and Melilla as European cities of the southern Mediterranean which would emphasise their status as unique cities of the EU in the Spanish institutionally and financially underwrite their condition as democratic spaces has a special geopolitical responsibility to ensure that the 170,000 citizens of these Straits-area territories benefit from the prevailing European space of democratic security which the EU and the Council of Europe constitute on European soil It is also in the interests of the EU to strengthen its involvement in the area having turned the region around the Strait into a geopolitical axis of a continental dimension in which the EU needs to be alert to any threats or actions with the potential of shattering the Union’s security order and borders These new narratives and functions being proposed for the cities may be incorporated into a broader Spanish foreign and geostrategic policy designed for the southern region which is necessary if Spain is to attain its strategic stature and assume its responsibilities as a member State of the EU But it is especially necessary because the risk of not having a specific foreign geostrategy for the Strait region is that Spain instead of using the vast potential of its geopolitical situation [1] European Parliament resolution of 10 June 2021, regarding a breach of the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child and the use of minors by the Moroccan authorities in Ceuta (2021/2747(RSP)), see Peace & Security-Paix et Sécurité internationales Point 1 of the EP resolution: ‘1.- Rejects Morocco’s use of border control and migration as political pressure against a Member State of the EU…’ ‘Consolidar a la UE en el área del Estrecho (1): Ceuta [3] The author wishes to differentiate the term ‘geopolitics’ from ‘geostrategy’ in accordance with his own concepts: ‘geopolitics’ is understood as ‘the study of the shaping and effects of geography and territory on a State’s national interests foreign policy and international relations’ And ‘geostrategy’ is understood as ‘the study of States’ international strategies for securing their national interests conditioned by their geographical and territorial characteristics and their geopolitical situation’ [4] Indeed the Max Planck Encyclopedia of Public International Law cites Ceuta as an example of what does not constitute an enclave in international law Max Planck Encyclopedia of Public International Law [5] 10th Additional Provision of Organic Law 4/2000 regarding the rights and freedoms of foreigners in Spain and their social integration regarding protection of citizens’ security [6] See I ‘La discutible legalidad internacional del rechazo en frontera de inmigrantes entre España y Marruecos: una especial consideración sobre mujeres niños y solicitantes de protección internacional’ Anuario de los cursos de derechos humanos de Donostia-San Sebastián [7] To cite one example Frontex has been operating since 2010 on the Greece-Turkey land border at the river Evros engaged in a range of joint operations and assistance mechanisms [8] ‘La plena normalización de la circulación de personas y de mercancías se restablecerá de manera ordenada, incluyendo los dispositivos apropiados de control aduanero y de personas a nivel terrestre y marítimo’, according to Point 3 of the declaration entitled ‘Nueva etapa del partenariado entre España y Marruecos’ Joint Spain-Morocco Declaration of 7/IV/2022 [9] Everything was already prepared on the Spanish side in December 2023: ‘Albares asegura que las aduanas de Ceuta y Melilla abrirán en cuanto Marruecos resuelva sus ‘problemas técnicos’ [10] ‘España y Marruecos ultiman la apertura de las aduanas de Ceuta y Melilla en los próximos días’ [11] Visa exemption for residents of the Tetuan and Nador provinces covering small-scale border traffic between Ceuta and Melilla and the Moroccan provinces of Tetuan and Nador included in the Declaration on the cities of Ceuta and Melilla issued on the occasion of Spain’s accession to the Convention implementing the Schengen Agreement of 19 June 1990 Instrument ratifying the Accession Agreement [12] Resolution of 13 December 2022 whereby it is agreed to maintain the temporary partial closure of the terrestrial posts for entering and leaving Spain via the cities of Ceuta and Melilla [14] Joint Declaration, 12th High-Level Morocco-Spain Meeting (1-2/II/2023) Peace & Security [15] See the report titled ‘La zona económica especial de Ceuta y Melilla Una apuesta por el desarrollo y la prosperidad de las ciudades autónomas’ [16] See [17] For the present author’s analysis ejercicio comparativo desde el Derecho internacional’ in España y la Unión Europea en el orden internacional [18] According to the formula that is restated annually with the same wording since the last modification in 2013: ‘The General Assembly (…) (a) Urges the Governments of Spain and the UK of Great Britain and Northern Ireland while listening to the interests and aspirations of Gibraltar that are legitimate under international law in the spirit of the Brussels Declaration of 27 November 1984 a definitive solution to the question of Gibraltar The initial consensus of the ‘Committee of 24’ had already established the need to bear in mind ‘the interests of the territory’s inhabitants’ [19] This aspect is evident in the current author’s analysis entitled ‘Gibraltar cosoberanía y nuevas oportunidades de España’ [20] Point 8 of the Council’s Directives of Negotiation, cf. ‘Negotiation mandate for the Treaty between the UK and the EU with respect to Gibraltar, 5 October 2021: Council decision authorising the opening of negotiations, as well as the negotiation directives’ Cuadernos de Gibraltar – Gibraltar Reports [21] Cf regarding Treaties and other International Agreements Ceuta and Melilla can also negotiate Administrative International Agreements and non-regulatory International Agreements [22] For example 177 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union – TFEU) an initiative such as the one being proposed here appears more feasible than that of incorporating Ceuta and Melilla into the category of the EU’s outermost regions (Art geopolitics and the EU’s global role in an era of uncertainty’ Alejandro del Valle Gálvez is Professor of International Law and the Director of the Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence on Immigration and Human Rights at External Borders at the University of Cádiz In this photo provided to the media by the Guardian Civil a drug smuggling tunnel stretching from Morocco to the Spanish enclave of Ceuta in north Africa is seen in Ceuta which was found during an operation targeting hashish trafficking was fitted with basic lighting and measures 12 meters deep (39 feet) It was located during a search at a warehouse in an industrial part of the tiny Spanish territory Spain’s El País newspaper reported that the tunnel stretched for 50 meters in the Spanish section and that the mouth of the tunnel was found in a former marble factory that closed in 2020 The passageway was hidden by a trapdoor that gave way to a stairway descending into the tunnel The narrow tunnel “could have been used to transport drugs across the border between Morocco and Spain,” the Civil Guard said in a statement No arrests have been made in connection with the tunnel and no drugs were found at the site Police said several people have been detained in recent weeks during which more than 6,000 kilograms (6.6 tons) of hashish stashed in trucks was seized Please enable JS and disable any ad blocker Mission Statement: to assist the integration of foreign residents living in Spain and this is never more accurate than when you establish yourself as a foreign resident in a new country Being able to quickly familiarise yourself with the culture and customs can help ease the transition during a challenging time This is why Euro Weekly News makes it our mission to provide you with a free news resource in English that covers both regional and national 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Download our media pack in either English or Spanish. 27 Apr 2025 10:00:00 GMT?.css-1txiau5-AnswerContainer{color:var(--GlobalColorScheme-Text-secondaryText2);}AD Ceuta FC won 1–0 over Real Madrid Castilla on Sun This is 34 of the Primera Federacion - Group 2 Predicted lineups are available for the match a few days in advance while the actual lineup will be available about an hour ahead of the match The current head to head record for the teams are Real Madrid Castilla 0 win(s) Gonzalo Garcia is the competition's top scorer (23) Have scored 8 goals in their last 5 matches AD Ceuta FC haven't lost to Real Madrid Castilla in their last 5 meetings (3W Who won between Real Madrid Castilla and AD Ceuta FC on Sun 27 Apr 2025 10:00:00 GMT?AD Ceuta FC won 1–0 over Real Madrid Castilla on Sun 27 Apr 2025 10:00:00 GMT.InsightsHave scored 6 goals in their last 5 matches Real Madrid Castilla is playing home against AD Ceuta FC on Sun Connecting decision makers to a dynamic network of information, people and ideas, Bloomberg quickly and accurately delivers business and financial information, news and insight around the world On Saturday, the Suezmax-class tanker Sakarya left the waters off Ceuta, a once-popular destination for Russian oil switching, with its depth in the water indicating it unloaded cargo. Before then, the ship vanished from digital tracking systems for about 60 hours. Its subsequent known movements, coupled with the fact three supertankers were waiting nearby, suggest it transfered its cargo onto one of them. Morocco has sentenced 52 people in connection with the large-scale attempt at irregular migration to the Spanish enclave of Ceuta on September 15. The migrants, mostly young Moroccans with limited opportunities, influenced by social media, are causing growing concern among authorities. Moeve has begun supplying biofuels to customers in Ceuta and has become the first company to offer second-generation (2G) biofuels at the port. The 2G biofuels, produced at Moeve’s Energy Park in Algeciras, are derived from non-food biomass sources such as waste and inedible plant materials, making them a more sustainable alternative with less impact on food supply compared to first-generation biofuels. Furthermore, Moeve reports that these fuels can reduce CO2 emissions by up to 90% over their full life cycle when compared to fossil fuels. Second-generation biofuels, often referred to as advanced biofuels, are produced from a variety of non-food biomass sources. In this context, biomass refers to plant matter and animal waste specifically used as fuel. In contrast, first-generation biofuels are derived from sugar and starch-based crops such as sugarcane and corn, as well as edible oils like rapeseed and soybean oil. These feedstocks are typically processed into bioethanol and biodiesel. The company has stated to media outlets that this initial delivery of 2G biofuel to Ceuta marks a step toward expanding the range of marine fuels and sustainable energy options available at the port. Moeve also acknowledged the cooperation of the Port Authority of Ceuta and Ducar Terminal in enabling the introduction of biofuels in the area. Comment * document.getElementById("comment").setAttribute( "id", "a3c5e369216edae3687201bcc7c4a4be" );document.getElementById("c08a1a06c7").setAttribute( "id", "comment" ); You don't have permission to access the page you requested. What is this page?The website you are visiting is protected.For security reasons this page cannot be displayed. Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved. People thought to be migrants stand on top of hill at the Tarajal border in the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, Sunday, Sept. 15, 2024. (Antonio Sempera/Europa Press via AP) Moroccan security forces stand guard outside the border with the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, in Fnideq, Morocco, Monday, Sept. 16, 2024. (AP Photo) A Moroccan navy coast guard patrols near the border with the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, in Fnideq, Morocco, Monday, Sept. 16, 2024. (AP Photo) RABAT, Morocco (AP) — Moroccan security forces stopped groups of people who sought to force their way across the border into Spain’s North African enclave of Ceuta following a call on social networks for a mass migration attempt, authorities said. Some attempted to breach a border fence that has long been a flashpoint for sporadic migration tensions, but none successfully made it into Spain, the Spanish Interior Ministry said Monday. It said Spanish and Moroccan security efforts over recent days ″allowed the situation to be brought under control.” Online messages in recent days had called for people to head for Ceuta on Sunday to cross the border into Europe. Videos posted by local networks showed groups of people in the hills around the Moroccan border town of Fnideq, and a heightened Moroccan security presence, including helicopters. Moroccan authorities also arrested 60 people suspected of inciting a mass migration attempt on social networks, Moroccan intelligence agency DGSN said in a Facebook post. On Monday, scores of security personnel were deployed to the area. Groups of people, who had heeded the calls on social media to breach the border fence and reach Spain, dispersed. Still, some attempted to cross but were thwarted by security forces that maintained a strong presence on land and sea along the border at Ceuta, activists said. Many of those who headed to the border on Sunday from Fnideq and beyond were Moroccans of all ages, including minors, said Achraf Mimoun, a Moroccan human rights activist. The groups also included migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, Algeria and other places, who have lived in the region, waiting for the opportunity to cross into Europe, Mimoun said. “This is not the first anonymous invitation promoted on social media networking sites,” Mimoun said. Such campaigns were disseminated before, and there are “social and economic reasons” behind large groups of people attempting to breach the border fence at any cost, Mimoun said. “Families encourage their children to immigrate in search of better opportunities because some who acted on previous calls (to do so) have succeeded,” the rights activist added. Nationwide, Moroccan security forces stopped more than 45,000 migration attempts from January to early September, according to the Moroccan Interior Ministry. In August alone, more than 11,000 migration attempts were prevented in the region around Ceuta and another 3,000 in the area around Melilla, it said in a statement. A previous version of this story was corrected to show that the figures for aborted migration attempts around Ceuta and Melilla are for August only, not the whole year. despite the dangers and tougher border controls at the fence-line between Morocco and the tiny Spanish enclave of Ceuta migrants are swimming farther and farther out to sea they rush the double fences hoping to climb over before Moroccan authorities stop them has tried over and over to cross into Europe from Ceuta a Spanish enclave on the northern tip of Africa “I tried so many times I stopped counting,” said Bari He has participated in what French-speaking migrants called a frappe which roughly translates as a “bum rush.” Hundreds of migrants will gather in the hills rush the fence en masse and climb for their lives They fought with Moroccan and Spanish agents dozens got caught and lacerated on the razor wire For the past couple of years, Spain has been seeing a rising number of migrants trying to enter the country — including 63,970 irregular migrants last year (mostly in the Atlantic archipelago), up from 56,852 in 2023, according to Interior Ministry numbers Although the 2024 number fell short of the 2018 record of 64,298 arrivals it surpassed the 56,852 migrants who reached Spain illegally in 2023 the migrants — most of whom are from Africa fleeing conflict — are encountering the heavily fortified barrier at the border at Ceuta which Morocco surrounds on one side and the Mediterranean sea on the other boosted security on both sides of the border is making it much harder to enter illegally and that’s pushing migrants to take greater and greater risks even years before finally crossing — if they make it Moroccan security forces patrol the one coastal road Coast guard boats patrol the harbor.And at the border itself stand two 20-foot-high fences topped with razor wire brigades of Civil Guardsmen stand at the watch Bari said that he eventually gave up on the large-scale assaults and went stealth — sneaking to the fence with just one other person an overcrowded complex where migrants are held until they either get asylum get deported or are just released because Spain can’t figure out where they’re from Bari’s story of giving up on the frappes squares with what local authorities say Civil Guard spokesman Alfonso Cruzado said we’re seeing fewer and fewer migrants getting trapped at the fences fortified fence line isn’t exactly a border-control success story because it’s created what’s called a “balloon effect,” pushing migrants toward a far more dangerous route—traveling to Spain by sea from Africa’s west coast some 140 mostly Moroccans braved strong currents swimming far out to sea to by-bass border controls But by the time the migrants reach the beach in Ceuta Police and Red Cross workers race frantically into the surf Red Cross spokesperson Germinal Castillo said it’s been a dramatic year They responded to 2,163 calls and provided emergency care to 868 migrants A far larger number of migrants are swept out to sea and never found “The Straits of Gibraltar is one of the largest mass graves in Europe TikTok is filled with selfie videos of upbeat migrants dressed in wetsuits with fins on the Moroccan side of the border They buy them in shops there and then slip into the sea at night for a swim that can take up to 10 hours he’d posted a second clip of himself walking barefoot on a Ceuta street still wet from his swim and giving a thumbs-up to his online followers “I’m not trying to encourage people to come,” he said He said he did so for himself and for the loan sharks to whom he owes a lot of money for a business that went under during the COVID-19 pandemic “They came and sliced my thigh open with a sword,” he said “I’ve come to Spain because I can earn more here and pay them back faster Only then can I return home to take care of my elderly parents.” Those parts of migrants’ stories — the trauma the separation — don’t tend to make the socials the good life on the other side — even if it’s fake And that’s drawing more unaccompanied minors who volunteers at a foundation in Ceuta called San Antonio where child migrants transitioning to adulthood can live and learn skills — like cooking “We always say about how the revolution will not be televised They get through the internet the curated experience of a friend or family member who went to Europe And all he posts about is his amazing luxury life next to a Ferrari that’s probably not even his He just found it on the street and took a selfie.”  These visuals lure others north with illusions of a better life there’s another illusion that no one seems to share: that building tougher borders will dissuade people from trying to cross them “Just what sort of life do you think we’re talking about?” And that’s where the conversation ends.” a dozen migrants who had just been released posed for selfies outside the shelter with suitcases and duffle bags in hand A ferry will take them to mainland Spain 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illegally enter the Spanish enclave of Ceuta have been arrested or turned back according to the Moroccan Interior Ministry Messages circulating on social media have called for people to join this territory on Sunday Although law enforcement stopped hundreds of people gathered near the border that day most of them were arrested beforehand in the surrounding towns of M'diq around 20 people from the town of El-Jadida The significant number of Moroccan citizens involved is surprising these attempts to breach the border have involved mostly people from sub-Saharan Africa during a diplomatic crisis between Rabat and Madrid This followed Spain's decision to offer medical treatment to Brahim Ghali leader of the Sahrawi pro-independence movement "But these departures benefited from the tacit complicity of the Moroccan authorities," said researcher Ali Zoubeidi who specializes in migration issues and is carrying out a study on-site You have 79.07% of this article left to read Lecture du Monde en 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Votre abonnement n’autorise pas la lecture de cet article Pour plus d’informations, merci de contacter notre service commercial. Notifications can be managed in browser preferences. The tunnel plunges 39 feet and was hidden by a trapdoor Spanish authorities have uncovered a suspected drug-smuggling tunnel connecting Morocco to the Spanish enclave of Ceuta in North Africa Discovered during an operation targeting hashish trafficking the tunnel is equipped with basic lighting and plunges to a depth of 39 feet Located within a warehouse in Ceuta’s industrial zone the tunnel’s entrance was concealed beneath a trapdoor leading to a descending stairway According to reports from Spain’s El País newspaper, the Spanish section of the tunnel stretches 164 feet and originates in a former marble factory that shuttered its operations in 2020. No drugs were found at the site and no arrests have been made directly related to the tunnel's discovery. However, the Civil Guard believes it “could have been used to transport drugs across the border between Morocco and Spain”. The discovery comes amidst a larger crackdown on drug trafficking in the region, resulting in the seizure of over 6,000kg of hashish hidden in trucks and the detention of several individuals, including two Civil Guard officers. The discovery underscores the ongoing challenges faced by authorities in controlling drug trafficking between Morocco and the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, which represent Europe's sole land border with Africa. It comes after Spain and Morocco recently reopened customs points in both enclaves to facilitate legal trade. The border between Morocco and Ceuta has long been a flashpoint for sporadic migration tensions. In late 2024, Moroccan security forces stopped groups of people who sought to force their way across the border into Ceuta following a call on social networks for a mass migration attempt, authorities said. None successfully made it into Spain, the Spanish Interior Ministry said. It said Spanish and Moroccan security efforts ″allowed the situation to be brought under control”. Moroccan authorities also arrested 60 people suspected of inciting a mass migration attempt on social networks, Moroccan intelligence agency DGSN said in a Facebook post. The opening to a suspected drug-smuggling tunnel linking Morocco and Spain govt and politics"},{"score":0.888805,"label":"/society/crime/property crime/smuggling"},{"score":0.765538,"label":"/society/crime/personal offense"},{"score":0.64185,"label":"/society/crime/personal offense/torture"},{"score":0.638009,"label":"/society/crime/organized crime"},{"score":0.622645,"label":"/law The Port of Ceuta has announced the mandatory implementation of internationally ISO 22192-certified and calibrated Mass Flow Meters (MFMs) for marine fuel supply by barge becoming the first Mediterranean port to do so the Port Authority of Ceuta has taken a decisive step in modernizing the marine fuel supply industry becoming the first Mediterranean port to mandate the use of international ISO 22192 certified and calibrated Mass Flow Meters (MFMs) for marine fuel supply by barge The International Bunker Industry Association welcomed the Port of Ceuta’s decision highlighing that this initiative is a positive step towards modernising the marine fuel supply industry and improving transparency IBIA has long supported the adoption of Mass Flow Meters across global bunkering hubs as they help increase measurement accuracy and build trust between suppliers and buyers IBIA also highlights the importance of having the right regulations and procedures in place to make sure the transition to MFMs is smooth and consistent across the industry Clear guidelines and solid processes are key to ensuring the success of such initiatives and maintaining trust in bunkering operations This development is in line with IBIA’s ongoing push to see bunker licensing schemes Many ports are making moves and mandating the use of mass flow meters by 2026, in order to streamline their bunker operations. To remind, the Maritime and Port Authority of Singapore (MPA) will implement the updated mandatory bunker mass flow metering standard from 1 April 2025. In addition, from 1 January 2026, the use of a Mass Flow Meter (MFM) bunker measurement system for bunker vessels in the ports of Antwerp-Bruges and Rotterdam will also be mandatory. The automated MFM system is meant to dispense with conventional sounding of the MFO in bunker tanks as the quantity of oil transferred from the bunker vessel to the receiving vessel will be automatically measured by the MFM device as the oil passes through the device Mass flow meters (MFMs) play a crucial role in bunkering operations where accurate measurement of fuel consumption is essential MFMs provide precise measurements of the mass flow rate of fuel as it is transferred from the bunker barge or terminal to the receiving vessel This is particularly important where large quantities of fuel are transferred and accuracy is critical for both commercial and regulatory reasons Comment * document.getElementById("comment").setAttribute( "id" "a18cd2cac6cb5badf8feb3223640efd1" );document.getElementById("c08a1a06c7").setAttribute( "id" Looking to access paid articles across multiple policy topics Interested in policy insights for EU professional organisations Moroccan authorities on Sunday (15 September) prevented dozens of migrants from storming a border fence to reach the Spanish enclave of Ceuta after calls on social media for a mass migration attempt News Service Produced externally by an organization we trust to adhere to journalistic standards More than 900 migrants have reached Spain's Canary Islands in several boats over the past 24 hours after crossing from west Africa the country's maritime rescue service said on Friday(6 October) Spanish police have discovered an underground tunnel linking Moroccan territory to the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, believed to have been used for drug smuggling measuring several dozen metres in length and running 12 metres underground was found during a search of a warehouse in an industrial area of Ceuta was likely used to transport hashish between Morocco and Spain Spanish media reported that the tunnel stretched at least 50 metres inside Moroccan territory though investigators have yet to determine its full length and endpoint The tunnel’s discovery was part of Operation Hades an ongoing police operation targeting criminal gangs smuggling hashish into Spain via trucks Authorities have arrested 14 people over the past three weeks Ceuta, a small Spanish territory on Morocco’s northern Mediterranean coast, is a key transit point for drug trafficking between North Africa and Europe. The existence of the tunnel highlights the sophisticated methods used by smugglers to evade law enforcement Authorities are continuing their investigation to determine the full extent of the tunnel and whether it was used for other illicit activities a former close associate of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and a notable… Spain's North African enclave of Ceuta has declared a “humanitarian emergency” as it grapples with a dramatic surge in young migrants overwhelming its facilities Ceuta's government reported that its facilities for unaccompanied minors are operating at 360% over capacity which spans just 18 square kilometers (7 square miles) cannot find new spaces to accommodate them with dignity We will not allow the city to become a prison for migrants.” Ceuta has seen a six-fold increase in irregular migrant arrivals compared to 2023 Ceuta's government held an emergency meeting on Thursday night and announced plans to petition Madrid for additional resources and to accept more migrants on the Spanish mainland The Canary Islands are also struggling with a migrant crisis with an urgent need to relocate at least 3,000 of the 6,000 young migrants currently housed in specialized shelters due to overcapacity nearly 30,000 migrants reached Spain irregularly by land or sea marking an 80% increase from the previous year The Canary Islands alone saw nearly 21,500 arrivals Spain’s government recently proposed a bill to require regional governments to accept a quota of young migrants from the Canary Islands and the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla the bill failed to pass after opposition parties and the Catalan separatist party Junts voted against it the conservative Popular Party’s voluntary agreement to host just under 400 young migrants in its governed regions led to the far-right party Vox dissolving alliances and breaking regional coalition governments توّجت زيارة الدولة التي قام بها السلطان هيثم بن طارق، سلطان عُمان، إلى الجزائر يومي 4 و5 مايو 2025، ببيان مشترك، فيما يلي نصّه الكامل: “تلبية لدعوة كريمة من لدن رئيس الجمهورية الجزائرية الديمقراطية الشعبية، السيد عبد المجيد تبون، قام حضرة صاحب الجلالة، السلطان هيثم بن طارق، سلطان عمان، بزيارة دولة إلى الجزائر، يومي 04 و05 ماي 2025، مرفوقا بوفد رفيع المستوى في مستهل الزيارة، رحب السيد الرئيس عبد المجيد تبون بأخيه حضرة صاحب الجلالة،… ثمّن الرئيس الجزائري عبد المجيد تبون والسلطان هيثم بن طارق، سلطان عُمان إنشاء “الصندوق الجزائري… تظاهر آلاف المغاربة في مدينتي مكناس والدار البيضاء، احتجاجا على خيانة النظام المغربي للقضية الفلسطينية، من خلال تماديه في التطبيع مع الكيان… تشارك الجزائر في أشغال مؤتمر ومعرض CIM Connect 2025، الذي تحتضنه مدينة مونتريال الكندية، خلال الفترة الممتدة من 4 إلى 7… أجرى الرئيس الجزائري، عبد المجيد تبون، اليوم الاثنين، محادثات على انفراد مع سلطان عُمان، هيثم بن طارق، توسّعت بعدها لتشمل… أعلنت الجزائر، اليوم السبت، عن رفع حصتها من إنتاج النفط الخام بمقدار 9000 برميل يوميًا خلال شهر جوان المقبل، وذلك في إطار اتفاق الدول الثمانية لتحالف “أوبك+” على تنفيذ زيادة جماعية تدريجية في الإنتاج تقدّر… استقبل وزير الريـاضة السعودي، الأمير عبد العزيز بن تركي الفيصل، اليـوم الاثنين، النجم الجزائري ريـاض محرز وتشكيلة الأهلي السعودي بعد التتويج التاريخي… You don't have permission to access the page you requested What is this page?The website you are visiting is protected.For security reasons this page cannot be displayed your new go-to podcast to spice up your weekday mornings with relevant news and behind-the-scenes from Brussels and beyond From the economy to the climate and the EU's role in world affairs this talk show sheds light on European affairs and the issues that impact on our daily lives as Europeans Tune in to understand the ins and outs of European politics Dare to imagine the future with business and tech visionaries Deep dive conversations with business leaders Euronews Tech Talks goes beyond discussions to explore the impact of new technologies on our lives the podcast provides valuable insights into the intersection of technology and society Europe's water is under increasing pressure floods are taking their toll on our drinking water Join us on a journey around Europe to see why protecting ecosystems matters and to discover some of the best water solutions an animated explainer series and live debate - find out why Water Matters We give you the latest climate facts from the world’s leading source analyse the trends and explain how our planet is changing We meet the experts on the front line of climate change who explore new strategies to mitigate and adapt The Diplomat in Spain is the reference digital newspaper for diplomats and companies that want to be well informed © 2024 The Diplomat in Spain Please enter your username or email address to reset your password © 2024 The Diplomat in Spain Thousands of migrants have tried to cross the border from Morocco into the Spanish enclave of Ceuta in recent days Spanish authorities said on Monday (26 August) hundreds of young people have attempted to swim around border controls the Spanish government's representative in Ceuta told reporters on Monday (26 August) that since Thursday (22 August) an average of 700 people a day had tried to breach the border with a peak of 1,500 attempts on Sunday (25 August) While Pérez did not specify how many migrants had successfully reached Ceuta she noted that authorities were returning 150 to 200 people a day to Morocco under Spanish laws that allow for 'border rejections' She thanked the Moroccan authorities for their "loyal cooperation" two small Spanish territories in North Africa bordering the Mediterranean have long been focal points for migrants and refugees seeking a better life in Europe Many try to scale the razor-wire fences surrounding the autonomous cities or reach them by sea Spain relies heavily on Morocco's cooperation to control these borders and prevent migrants from crossing after a diplomatic rift between the two countries including many unaccompanied Moroccan children Although Spain and Morocco have since restored diplomatic relations and cooperate on irregular migration issues Ceuta authorities report renewed pressure this year According to Spanish Interior Ministry statistics 1,622 migrants arrived in Ceuta between January and mid-August compared to just 620 in the same period last year Tensions at the border between Morocco and Ceuta a Spanish enclave that shares a border with Africa Riot police were deployed to disperse people attempting to cross into Spain from Morocco after listening to a call on social media networks The Moroccan police used water cannons against the groups of young people who retaliated by throwing stones at the police Calls on social media asked people to head to Ceuta on Sunday to try and cross the border into Europe through Spain Moroccan intelligence agency DGSN said in response in a post on Facebook that 60 people were arrested on suspicion of inciting a mass migration attempt nine young people attempting to swim to Ceuta were intercepted and detained by Moroccan forces stationed at the border before they reached Ceuta's Tarajal beach both the Guardia Civil and the Spanish National Police remain on alert — although no action has been taken in the last few hours Scores of security personnel were deployed to the Moroccan border town of Fnideq to disperse groups of people who had heeded the calls on social media to breech the border fence Ceuta and Melilla — two tiny Spanish territories in North Africa bordering the Mediterranean — have long been targeted by migrants and refugees seeking better lives in Europe Many of those who had headed to the border were Moroccans of all ages including minors Algeria and other places who have lived in the region and were waiting for the opportunity to cross into Europe The Spanish Interior Ministry said on Monday that its own and Moroccan security efforts over recent days had brought the situation "under control" Moroccan security forces have stopped more than 45,000 migration attempts from January to early September more than 11,000 migration attempts were prevented in the region around Ceuta and another 3,000 in the area around Melilla