New narratives for the Spanish cities of Ceuta and Melilla ThemeThe discourse surrounding the autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla needs to be strengthened with new narratives that emphasise their status as democratic European societies SummaryThis paper presents new approaches to Spain’s narrative regarding the ‘Spanishness’ of Ceuta and Melilla both on the domestic and international stages At present the story is largely based on historical entitlements enshrined in the treaties negotiated with the Sultans between the 18th and 20th centuries and on the respect for the principle of Spain’s territorial integrity These arguments can be supplemented by new narratives that locate the cities of Ceuta and Melilla within Spain’s sovereign democracy in the context of an axis of democratic European states in a non-democratic regional setting This also involves delving deeper into the reality of the cities as multicultural democracies with full respect for the Council of Europe’s human rights and the basic democratic values of the EU where a special role is assigned to the rule of law and the principles of tolerance solidarity and structural equality between men and women there is an obligation for Spain and the EU to safeguard the ‘democratic security’ of the autonomous cities and the 170,000 European citizens who consider them their home the cities stand in need of a rejuvenated and positive perception from Spain and Europe promoting their unique values in the Euro-Mediterranean context Insofar as the territorial claim is concerned the underlying positions are not going to change Morocco is going to celebrate 70 years of independence steadfastly retaining its aim of annexing these territories in the context of an irredentism that continues to aspire to its natural or ‘authentic’ borders (2011 Constitution) This is a State policy conducted with discernment and determination adapting it to scenarios of international politics and relations with Spain Spain considers that it has valid legal entitlements to sovereignty pursuant to international law There are various entitlements for each territory: in the case of the cities a claim of occupation by the kingdom of Castile (Melilla) and of assignment from Portugal (Ceuta); moreover Spain’s presence and sovereignty was repeatedly confirmed by the pre-sovereign Moroccan entity by virtue of treaties signed with Sultans dating back to the 18th century Spain’s traditionally reactive attitude and lack of initiative mean that greater involvement and presence on the part of the EU is required to recalibrate bilateral Spain-Morocco relations.[2] Admittedly Spain’s legal case has been sufficiently solid to enable it to get along without substantive threats supported and protected for more than 40 years by the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and with the unchallenged coverage provided by the protective European umbrella which looms over Ceuta and Melilla without respite obliges Spain to modify its perception of the problem and equip itself with fresh arguments amid a historical situation of great upheaval In this context, Spain must first and foremost bear in mind the fact that Morocco is a geopolitical partner of the utmost importance. At the same time, it should not overlook the fact that Morocco views Spain (the converse does not hold) as a geostrategic adversary,[3] essentially because it stands in the way of it securing its key national a struggle it is permanently and actively engaged in This twofold status of Morocco (a fundamental geopolitical partner but one that views Spain as a geostrategic adversary impeding its full realisation as an independent State) is one that Spain sometimes loses sight of; and in truth it is Spain’s only neighbour that has this twofold condition This leads to relations often being labelled as ‘awkward’ when in reality what is required is a specific foreign policy towards Morocco well differentiated from other countries in the Maghreb North Africa and the Sahel; a policy that befits Spain’s southern neighbour which is neither a democratic State nor bound by the values of the rule of law human rights or respect for international law; and with territorial goals written in to its national DNA as an independent State inducing it to pursue the break-up of Spain’s sovereign democratic territory These objective facts must lead us to set out a recalibration of Spain’s overall position and arguments regarding the autonomous cities Subsequent analysis will also focus on Vélez significances and singular statuses for Spain’s islands and promontories in the southern Mediterranean clearly differentiated from those of the democratic cities According to the Real Academia Española (Royal Spanish Academy a relato is a ‘discursive reconstruction of certain events’ (third meaning) with an interpretation that tries to promote a particular position Thus it is not a case of artificially constructing a discourse for the cities so much as making a selection of ideas and motifs and of new connections with existing discourses with the goal of lending greater solidity to Spain’s arguments and reasoning regarding the cities; and especially conveying greater communicative coherence on the Spanish side The entitlements to the acquisition of sovereignty over these territories submitted by Spain are valid in international law Their acceptance is assessed in accordance with the intertemporal law in light of the historical circumstances pertaining to each case The claims are extremely well founded in terms of jurisprudence but with debatable value in terms of current international relations since they can easily be cast into doubt by the political assessments of governments and public opinion regarding the era of colonialism emphasis should be placed on the strongest legal claim which is that of the historical origin of the State between the end of the mediaeval period and the beginning of the modern age Although there is scope for debate about the exact moment when Spain came into being as a political entity and sovereign international subject it seems clear that it was a process that took place at the end of the mediaeval period; and it was precisely in this period that the incorporation of Ceuta and Melilla into the Portuguese (1415) and Spanish (1497) Crowns took place contemporaneously with the incorporation of the kingdom of Granada (1492) Focusing the original legal claim of Spanish sovereignty over Ceuta and Melilla on the period of the late Middle Ages and the end of the mediaeval era is the best legal option given the strength inherent in the primordial claim rooted in the historical origins of any State It is true that the assignment from Portugal to Spain took place later but it is a derivative claim to sovereignty that does not alter the original Portuguese claim of 1415 Ceuta became part of the combined monarchy This enables us not to rely on the basic legal claims to sovereignty contained in the subsequent treaties signed between Spain and the Sultan These treaties constitute derivative claims highly valuable for the territorial demarcations and delimitations of the cities confirming Spanish presence over the course of five centuries accepted by the pre-sovereign political entities in the territories of what is now Morocco one has to choose the strongest legal claim for the argument which is the primary one of the historical birth of the current Spanish State a comparison of territorial claims on the international scene reveals that territories that were constitutive of States at the time of their genesis territories that have formed an integral part of such States for various centuries anchoring the main Spanish sovereignty entitlement to the end of the mediaeval period and to the historical origins of the State enables a degree of distancing from the later period of European colonisations in subsequent centuries something that mirrors the juridical-political reality of the cities; and it accounts for the fact that during the protectorate era in the 20th century Ceuta and Melilla had full legal status and standing as Spanish territories because they were plazas de soberanía (technically and etymologically ‘a place unlike the surrounding territory of the Spanish protectorate established both in the north and south of what is now Morocco Morocco has repeatedly referred to Ceuta and Melilla using terminology with a pejorative and derogatory undertone: garrisons; occupied expropriated or usurped cities; enclaves; and colonial enclaves Here it is merely pointed out that, with regard to the ‘enclaves’ label, the cities cannot be ‘enclaves’ in the legal sense since they do not meet the requirement of being isolated and completely surrounded or enclosed by the territory of another State.[4] ‘Cities’ ‘European cities’ or ‘autonomous cities’ are better options With regard to the reality of being located on the African continent it is preferable to emphasise their status and essence as European cities in Africa As Euro-Mediterranean cities or European cities of the southern Mediterranean forming part of the territory of the Union have the characteristic of being located on the southern coast of the Mediterranean Sea islands and promontories avoids mixing all the various territories as an indistinct whole which are of a very different nature and status and safeguards the undiluted status of Ceuta and Melilla as European cities there is another terminological point: Ceuta and Melilla are sometimes erroneously referred to as subject to a dispute or conflict with Morocco But the use of the concept of ‘international dispute’ –which is an extremely serious matter in international law– does not reflect the reality and damages Spain’s interests overseen by the United Nations (UN) and by international institutions such as the EU and subject to the principles of peaceful resolution and negotiation Ceuta and Melilla do not constitute a ‘dispute’ acknowledged by Spain or recognised by the UN or by any international organ or institution it is a case only of a permanent territorial claim or demand on the part of Morocco The strongest argument in these new narratives being put forward for Ceuta and Melilla involves repositioning the Spanish advocacy of the cities within the oppositional pairing of Democracy and the rule of law vs Authoritarianism and illiberalism The suggestion is therefore that of offering new democratic perspectives in Spain’s accounts of Ceuta and Melilla Currently they are mainly based on the legal entitlements drawn from the treaties negotiated with the Sultans in the 18th-20th centuries and with regard to the principle of Spain’s territorial integrity The proposals seek to complement these arguments with new narratives positioning the cities of Ceuta and Melilla as part of Spain’s sovereign democracy within the political context of the EU and the framework of the Council of Europe within an axis of democratic European States that conduct relations with a neighbourhood and regional contexts that are non-democratic It is a matter of foregrounding the twofold membership of Spain –and by extension its autonomous cities– of the two foremost international organisations in Europe for democratic principles and values: the EU and the Council of Europe Both have immense legal systems in operation stemming from the process of European integration with its primary and secondary legislation; and in the case of the Council of Europe stemming from the multiple treaties and entities bound up with the European identity and the human rights fostered by its normative framework both judicial systems find legal application and expression through each of the statutes of their member States Through their interwoven legal and institutional systems the Council of Europe and the EU constitute a space of ‘democratic security’ in Europe to which the cities belong; with the consequences of the existence of a Statute of European Citizenship and fundamental rights enjoyed by the approximately 170,000 nationals of member States and foreigners resident in Ceuta and Melilla they are the only cities on African soil where the European Convention on Human Rights and other conventions of the Council of Europe are fully applicable with the complete assurance of respecting and protecting the values of democracy These are the basic democratic principles of the EU and the Council of Europe and are fully applied in the autonomous cities This discourse emphasises Ceuta and Melilla as territories of multicultural democratic coexistence respect and effective safeguarding of human rights and minorities and the structural principle of male-female equality Delving deeper into the reality of the cities reveals some underappreciated –indeed unknown– characteristics that render them unique They constitute multicultural democracies with full respect for the human rights recognised by the Council of Europe and for the EU’s basic democratic principles in which the rule of law and the principles of tolerance non-discrimination and respect for minorities all play a special role The centuries-long reality of the cities is one of peaceful coexistence between cultures and religions Both Ceuta and Melilla provide examples of coexistence within a Spanish autonomous territory These populations and minorities live together democratically in accordance with the Spanish constitution and the European treaties concerning integration and human rights The narratives surrounding Ceuta and Melilla need also to be furnished with the cities’ positive aspects casting them as pluri-secular centres of multicultural coexistence and respect for religious minorities and the European interconnections with the surrounding Maghreb In this regard, the Council of Europe has drawn up a Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, to which Spain has been a signatory since 1998. In its reports, Spain extends the application of the Convention’s provisions only to Spanish citizens belonging to the Roma community It may be in Spain’s strategic interest to extend its application to the Muslim and Berber communities and other minorities living in Ceuta and Melilla something that would enable these groups to benefit formally from the Framework Convention’s provisions in a territorial context limited to the autonomous cities The idea of broadening the practical scope of the Framework Convention exclusively to the two cities would very symbolically complement and strengthen the democratic system in Ceuta and Melilla lending conspicuous visibility to their European singularity in the context of the southern Mediterranean The fact that they are external land borders of the Schengen area makes Ceuta and Melilla unique in the European context The negative perception induced by migration problems may be tackled using various approaches: first by involving Morocco in the management and monitoring of the migratory flows which should form part not only of a constant EU migration policy towards Morocco but also a specific Spanish policy regarding Morocco part of a general geostrategy covering the Straits of Gibraltar Spain and the EU should raise the international profile of respect for human rights at the border applying an integrated policy of absolute respect at the border itself and in the subsidiary areas with a guarantee to honour everyone’s fundamental rights especially those most in need of international protection maritime or at airports) are generally places of weakness for respecting human rights but those of Ceuta and Melilla are particularly sensitive This approach of respecting human rights is absolutely essential due to the ideas of multiculturalism and European values because it enables positive discourses to be offered highlighting the extraordinary values inherent in the cities within the European and regional context There is a lesser-known aspect that Morocco has not been interested in developing which is cross-border cooperation in the local area All the data confirm that Morocco has turned down sizeable European structural funds on the grounds of the two cities being included in the European programmes (for example the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument –ENPI– in the 2006-13 period) This opening of customs posts has probably not been accompanied by a strategic reflection on the future economic model of the cities or the cross-border trading relationship with Morocco and the EU Here it is worth pointing out some of the factors that are involved in this question: the full integration of Ceuta and Melilla into the European Customs Union which continues to be an open issue; deciding whether the customs will allow for full EU-Morocco trade or only trade limited to northern Moroccan areas and/or particular products; Morocco being able to prevent the commercial customs facilities (not the current posts) constituting a precedent for the indirect recognition of Spanish sovereignty; and it is possible that Morocco fears that fully normalised commercial customs with Spain and the EU may compete with its own development hubs which it is promoting in its northern regions (Tangiers-Tetuan-Al Hoceima and Oriental) there is Morocco’s ever greater difficulty involving the small-scale crossing of people between the cities and their Moroccan surroundings The practice of the porteadoras (literally ‘carrier women’) in the so-called ‘atypical trade’ was an ignominious slippery slope that needed to be eliminated the maintenance of strict day-to-day restrictions at the border posts for Moroccans and Spaniards and their goods may point to a structural change in the Moroccan position with the regard to residents crossing from one side of the border to the other For a long time Morocco likened the situations of Ceuta and Melilla to the Spanish claim to Gibraltar Here there is a very important circumstance that it would be in Spain’s interest to explore The link between the cases of Ceuta and Melilla and Gibraltar is legally inadmissible but inevitable on the stages of international public opinion and in international forums and organisations; sometimes it is even aired on the occasion of Spanish-British crises.[16] The nature of the two cases is of course completely different.[17] Morocco has ceased making a comparison between the two cases on either side of the Strait a parallel that had formerly been drawn frequently in its strategy of reclamation if promotion of the Gibraltar-Ceuta/Melilla comparison is no longer in Morocco’s interest it is possible that the comparison could be of value to Spain’s interests now and in the future Morocco’s current relative silence is probably due to the recognition of the process of internal self-determination and the commitment to consult the population in the case of Gibraltar it is about the need to offer democratic respect to the people most affected in Gibraltar and in the Campo de Gibraltar district incorporating the interests of the population into decisions about the future of these territories one that Morocco probably has no interest in spilling over into the autonomous cities Here it must be pointed out that the reasoning and motivation for a plebiscite is different in the case of Gibraltar compared to the case of the autonomous cities ‘listening to’ or ‘consulting’ the population of Gibraltar about its interests and aspirations regarding the definitive solution reached by the UK and Spain is mandatory Gibraltar has its particular democratic system as an overseas territory As far as the inhabitants of the Campo de Gibraltar district are concerned, domestically their interests need to be borne in mind; these have been progressively identified and integrated into the Spanish position on what comprise Spain’s general interests regarding Gibraltar.[19] As a domestic rather than an international matter the populations of Ceuta and Melilla are consulted on an ongoing basis within the framework of Spanish democracy regional/local and general elections (and referendums such as the 2004 vote on the European constitution) where they exercise the so-called right of domestic self-determination There is no ‘people’ of Ceuta or Melilla with a right to external self-determination able to make a declaration about their adherence or separation from a State nor is the matter internationalised as it is in the case of Gibraltar neither Gibraltar nor Ceuta or Melilla have the right to external self-determination (the right to decide their future by balloting their population which includes the option of independence) whereas the three cities have and exercise their right of internal self-determination (right to democratic government) under the umbrella and oversight of the Council of Europe and the EU the Gibraltar-Ceuta/Melilla comparison regarding democratic respect for the interests of the populations in the three cities can be appropriated as an element of the narratives concerning the Spanish position on the autonomous cities There is a democratic connection between Ceuta Melilla and Gibraltar to the extent that there is an international obligation to listen to and bear in mind the interests of the Gibraltarian population Spain incorporates the interests of the Campo de Gibraltar inhabitants into its position and the Spaniards living in Ceuta and Melilla periodically cast their ballots in a democratic regime with European values It is in Spain’s interest when facing Morocco to bolster this democratic connection between the European cities flanking the Strait The link to the Council of Europe and the EU which is shared and extremely powerful in all three cities provides a major argument for the case that the three cities form part of the same European democratic sphere their highly singular institutional and economic characteristics could be better interwoven Gibraltar currently finds itself in a decisive moment in its relations with Spain because a specific UK-EU treaty on Gibraltar is being negotiated that will place Gibraltar’s relations with Spain and the EU on a stable footing There are two ideas that are worth highlighting in relation to the autonomous cities it is more than likely that a future Gibraltarian model as an ‘internationalised’ city will pose a theoretical and practical example for the other side of the Strait If a new and stable reality is agreed for Gibraltar and the Campo de Gibraltar area by means of an EU treaty the format may serve Spain as the basis of a strategy towards Morocco the international comparison regarding the cities on the other side of the Strait will be inevitable These unique circumstances and situation endorse the reinforcement of the cities equipping them with a special status within the EU framework A unique legal status within EU law could be determined by a specific appellation for example ‘European Cities of the southern Mediterranean’ highly influenced by their character as EU cities with an external land border in Africa; but also because they are cities that combine their status as EU territories where the Council of Europe’s legal system is applied and due to their unique location on the southern Mediterranean coast Ceuta and Melilla’s new and exclusive status could be established by the EU ex novo as a tailor-made solution for the cities whose unique character as democratic spaces of equality and multicultural coexistence in the north of Africa must be preserved as much as possible within the framework of the policies This possible new made-to-measure status for the cities would find a legal foundation in the EU Treaties devised for its creation.[22] Meriting special attention in this new EU status would be its adaptation to certain European policies and measures State aid and the cities’ access as recipients of various structural programmes and funds as well as those related to external borders and immigration It is a matter of not only ensuring the best conditions but also of ensuring that there is a provision in the European regulations for specific programmes for adapting the Funds to the singular situation of the cities of the southern Mediterranean with an external border on the African continent Ceuta and Melilla have a potentially enormous scope for projecting Europe in the western Mediterranean region Spanish geopolitics and also European geopolitics should explicitly incorporate the fully democratic spaces and their multicultural populations that the cities comprise there is an obligation for Spain and the EU to safeguard the ‘democratic security’ of the autonomous cities Spain bears a special responsibility in the Straits region as the only EU member State with jurisdiction sovereignty and competences to preserve and underwrite the Council of Europe and the EU’s prevailing European space of ‘democratic security’ in these African coastal territories It is the most conspicuous consequence of being the only European State responsible for the security of the democratic spaces and territories on the southern European shore The argument being put forward is not so much artificially forcing the EU to join or involve itself in these sensitive questions between Spain and Morocco but rather to extract all the consequences from the fact that Spain applies and is the guarantor of EU law in all its territories It is the State that has to ensure that the EU and Council of Europe’s democratic values and human rights are protected and respected in the area of the Strait it is a case of accepting the utter reality of the fact that Spain is the only EU State with sovereignty jurisdiction and control in the Straits area the construction of a ‘geopolitical Europe’ with its own and universal geostrategic outlook supports the argument being advanced here adding the need of a specific geopolitical axis of the EU’s own security focused on the Straits of Gibraltar In a context such as the war of aggression against Ukraine the EU has unanimously rejected the use of force to change the borders or the territorial integrity of that country The invasion threatens the rules-based international order and the principles of the UN Charter as well as the security order in the European continent which are also the borders of the common territory of the EU should be demanded by the EU from those States that threaten to annex territories and to change borders in the Straits area with the same forthrightness that the EU has reacted in its foreign policy on Ukraine ConclusionsRenovating Spain’s narratives and discourses regarding the cities of Ceuta and Melilla is desirable given the current situation involving systemic changes to the international order and society and the need to anticipate and forestall crisis scenarios international forums and international public opinion may no longer align with the legal logic frequently espoused by Spain Spain has traditionally adopted a reactive stance in its relations with Morocco which means that the unceasing Moroccan effort to reclaim part of Spain’s constitutional territory is a constant factor This makes the country’s southern neighbour unique in terms of Spanish foreign policy The renewal of narratives has a particular bearing on the cities and affects aspects such as the terminology cross-border cooperation and the connection with Gibraltar Two aspects for supporting Spanish narratives can be highlighted: the first involves basing the discourse on the oppositional pairing of democracy-European values vs authoritarianism-illiberalism; this enables the reality of the democratic Spanish and European spaces represented by the cities to be assertively advanced citing the full application of the basic principles of human rights multicultural and multireligious identity of the cities the creation of a specific legal status within the EU is proposed adapted to the needs of Ceuta and Melilla as European cities of the southern Mediterranean which would emphasise their status as unique cities of the EU in the Spanish institutionally and financially underwrite their condition as democratic spaces has a special geopolitical responsibility to ensure that the 170,000 citizens of these Straits-area territories benefit from the prevailing European space of democratic security which the EU and the Council of Europe constitute on European soil It is also in the interests of the EU to strengthen its involvement in the area having turned the region around the Strait into a geopolitical axis of a continental dimension in which the EU needs to be alert to any threats or actions with the potential of shattering the Union’s security order and borders These new narratives and functions being proposed for the cities may be incorporated into a broader Spanish foreign and geostrategic policy designed for the southern region which is necessary if Spain is to attain its strategic stature and assume its responsibilities as a member State of the EU But it is especially necessary because the risk of not having a specific foreign geostrategy for the Strait region is that Spain instead of using the vast potential of its geopolitical situation [1] European Parliament resolution of 10 June 2021, regarding a breach of the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child and the use of minors by the Moroccan authorities in Ceuta (2021/2747(RSP)), see Peace & Security-Paix et Sécurité internationales Point 1 of the EP resolution: ‘1.- Rejects Morocco’s use of border control and migration as political pressure against a Member State of the EU…’ ‘Consolidar a la UE en el área del Estrecho (1): Ceuta [3] The author wishes to differentiate the term ‘geopolitics’ from ‘geostrategy’ in accordance with his own concepts: ‘geopolitics’ is understood as ‘the study of the shaping and effects of geography and territory on a State’s national interests foreign policy and international relations’ And ‘geostrategy’ is understood as ‘the study of States’ international strategies for securing their national interests conditioned by their geographical and territorial characteristics and their geopolitical situation’ [4] Indeed the Max Planck Encyclopedia of Public International Law cites Ceuta as an example of what does not constitute an enclave in international law Max Planck Encyclopedia of Public International Law [5] 10th Additional Provision of Organic Law 4/2000 regarding the rights and freedoms of foreigners in Spain and their social integration regarding protection of citizens’ security [6] See I ‘La discutible legalidad internacional del rechazo en frontera de inmigrantes entre España y Marruecos: una especial consideración sobre mujeres niños y solicitantes de protección internacional’ Anuario de los cursos de derechos humanos de Donostia-San Sebastián [7] To cite one example Frontex has been operating since 2010 on the Greece-Turkey land border at the river Evros engaged in a range of joint operations and assistance mechanisms [8] ‘La plena normalización de la circulación de personas y de mercancías se restablecerá de manera ordenada, incluyendo los dispositivos apropiados de control aduanero y de personas a nivel terrestre y marítimo’, according to Point 3 of the declaration entitled ‘Nueva etapa del partenariado entre España y Marruecos’ Joint Spain-Morocco Declaration of 7/IV/2022 [9] Everything was already prepared on the Spanish side in December 2023: ‘Albares asegura que las aduanas de Ceuta y Melilla abrirán en cuanto Marruecos resuelva sus ‘problemas técnicos’ [10] ‘España y Marruecos ultiman la apertura de las aduanas de Ceuta y Melilla en los próximos días’ [11] Visa exemption for residents of the Tetuan and Nador provinces covering small-scale border traffic between Ceuta and Melilla and the Moroccan provinces of Tetuan and Nador included in the Declaration on the cities of Ceuta and Melilla issued on the occasion of Spain’s accession to the Convention implementing the Schengen Agreement of 19 June 1990 Instrument ratifying the Accession Agreement [12] Resolution of 13 December 2022 whereby it is agreed to maintain the temporary partial closure of the terrestrial posts for entering and leaving Spain via the cities of Ceuta and Melilla [14] Joint Declaration, 12th High-Level Morocco-Spain Meeting (1-2/II/2023) Peace & Security [15] See the report titled ‘La zona económica especial de Ceuta y Melilla Una apuesta por el desarrollo y la prosperidad de las ciudades autónomas’ [16] See [17] For the present author’s analysis ejercicio comparativo desde el Derecho internacional’ in España y la Unión Europea en el orden internacional [18] According to the formula that is restated annually with the same wording since the last modification in 2013: ‘The General Assembly (…) (a) Urges the Governments of Spain and the UK of Great Britain and Northern Ireland while listening to the interests and aspirations of Gibraltar that are legitimate under international law in the spirit of the Brussels Declaration of 27 November 1984 a definitive solution to the question of Gibraltar The initial consensus of the ‘Committee of 24’ had already established the need to bear in mind ‘the interests of the territory’s inhabitants’ [19] This aspect is evident in the current author’s analysis entitled ‘Gibraltar cosoberanía y nuevas oportunidades de España’ [20] Point 8 of the Council’s Directives of Negotiation, cf. ‘Negotiation mandate for the Treaty between the UK and the EU with respect to Gibraltar, 5 October 2021: Council decision authorising the opening of negotiations, as well as the negotiation directives’ Cuadernos de Gibraltar – Gibraltar Reports [21] Cf regarding Treaties and other International Agreements Ceuta and Melilla can also negotiate Administrative International Agreements and non-regulatory International Agreements [22] For example 177 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union – TFEU) an initiative such as the one being proposed here appears more feasible than that of incorporating Ceuta and Melilla into the category of the EU’s outermost regions (Art geopolitics and the EU’s global role in an era of uncertainty’ Alejandro del Valle Gálvez is Professor of International Law and the Director of the Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence on Immigration and Human Rights at External Borders at the University of Cádiz You don't have permission to access the page you requested What is this page?The website you are visiting is protected.For security reasons this page cannot be displayed Spain has launched an upgraded border crossing at the Melilla border with Morocco equipped with technology needed for the upcoming EU traveler registration scheme known as the Entry-Exit System (EES) The checkpoint in the Spanish enclave of Melilla on the North African coast received 11 million euros (US$11.3 million) of investment for the upgrade according to the Interior Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska The investments will enable Spanish border authorities to record not only travel documents but also fingerprint and facial data of non-EU travelers as required by EES “Spain has been one of the countries of the European Union that has prepared itself from the outset for the Entry-Exit System,” Minister Grande-Marlaska said according to local news agency Europapress Spain has land borders with Morocco in three autonomous territories in North Africa an island that is divided from Marocco with the smallest border in the world The country has also been installing a biometric border system in the city of Ceuta. Spain struck a deal in June with Thales and a partner to deploy 1,500 biometric terminals at various border crossings The EES is expected to launch in 2025, but there is currently no official launch date. 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Continue Reading Learn More Copyright © 2025 Biometrics Research Group Web Design by Studio1337 Which language would you like to use this site in Moroccan and Spanish authorities must step up their efforts to uncover the fate of at least 70 men two years after a deadly crackdown by Moroccan and Spanish security forces against sub-Saharan Africans attempting to cross the border from Morocco into the Spanish enclave of Melilla said Amnesty International today.On 24 June 2022 at least 37 Black sub-Saharan African people and hundreds of others were injured during the incident Moroccan authorities announced that they had opened an investigation into the deadly events only a year and a half later in early 2024 and did not further communicate any results while Spanish authorities continue to deny any formal responsibility “It is outrageous that two years on from the deadly Melilla border crackdown families of more than 70 who remain missing are still having to fight for answers about what happened to their loved ones at the hands of Moroccan and Spanish security forces To date authorities in both Morocco and Spain have failed to ensure a transparent and effective investigation to provide victims’ families access to truth They must not be allowed to sweep this tragedy beneath the carpet any longer,” said Amjad Yamin Deputy Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty International In June 2023 the UN Committee Against Torture highlighted the absence of an effective investigation into the deadly events of June 2022 urging Spain to promptly investigate the responsibility of security forces during the events and take steps to ensure such an incident does not recur So far Spanish authorities have denied any wrongdoing and continued to carry out unlawful collective expulsions to push back people at its borders To date authorities in both Morocco and Spain have failed to ensure a transparent and effective investigation to provide victims’ families have access to truth They must not be allowed to sweep this tragedy beneath the carpet any longer In recent weeks the Moroccan Association for Human Rights (AMDH)’s Nador branch reported that the authorities conducted secret burials of some of those killed The organization said it had documented a number of corpses being retrieved from the morgue of Al Hasani hospital and taken to Sidi Salem cemetery in the presence of security forces At least 13 bodies were buried between 6 and 12 June The corpses were buried in graves without any names told Amnesty International he had visited Sidi Salem cemetery to investigate and collect information they buried eight of those who died in the operation by Spanish and Moroccan border guards in 2022 and on 12 June five further men were buried,” he said “The reports that Moroccan authorities are carrying out secret burials of unidentified remains of migrants and refugees killed during the deadly events of June 2022 are deeply alarming the authorities must ensure full transparency and reveal the fate and whereabouts of all those missing including the causes of death of those who have been buried They must urgently allow families access to identify the bodies and appoint independent experts to carry out forensic analysis,” said Amjad Yamin In June 2024, Amnesty International spoke to the families of three missing Sundanese migrants and refugees who lost contact with their relatives in early to mid-June 2022. At least one has been confirmed dead. The other two remain missing to date described to Amnesty International his ongoing struggle to find out what happened to his missing brother Mohamed Abdallah Abderahmane Abdallah He was last in touch with him on 14 June 2022 and each [person] is telling us a different story,” he said “Until now I don’t know if my brother is dead or imprisoned and I’m not the only one… There are a lot of families in this situation.” Maryem Babekr Mohamed Idriss said she last spoke to her 26-year-old brother Ahmed Babekr Mohamed Idriss on 7 June 2022 He told her he and others were getting ready to cross the borders in a few days the Nador branch of the Moroccan Association for Human Rights posted on their Facebook page that he was spotted in a local hospital and that he was wounded in the leg we were unable to locate him inside hospitals or prisons.” sister of Abd El Baset Mounir Khamis said she found out her brother went missing when one of his friends posted the news on a social media site in October 2022 The family later travelled to Morocco and found his body inside a hospital in Nadhor morgue to gather information and to see if he was dead and that his corpse was kept inside a hospital morgue in Nadhor We went through a lot of struggles searching for him,” she said Amnesty International is calling on the Moroccan authorities to ensure families searching for relatives are able to access information identify bodies and to repatriate the remains of anyone who has yet to be buried The Moroccan authorities’ failure to take any action to investigate security forces’ wrongdoing on the day of the killings in Melilla stands in stark contrast to how they treated the people who attempted to cross the border that day According to AMDH at least 86 of those who tried to cross over to Spain were prosecuted and sentenced to up to three years in prison Amnesty International has previously expressed concern that some of the survivors faced unfair trials “It is completely unacceptable that instead of truth and accountability survivors and the loved ones of those killed have only been served injustice on top of injustice The Moroccan and Spanish authorities must urgently comply with their international legal obligations including by taking action to ensure such appalling loss of life and harm does not happen again in the future,”  Amjad Yamin added Together we can fight for human rights everywhere Your donation can transform the lives of millions If you are talented and passionate about human rights then Amnesty International wants to hear from you Two years after over 100 people were killed trying to reach Spain at the border fence with Morocco at Melilla a comprehensive investigation by the Center for the Defense of Human Rights Irídia Border Forensics and the Moroccan Association for Human Rights (AMDH) has established the involvement of both the Moroccan and Spanish governments the Socialist Party (PSOE) and the pseudo-left Podemos party ruled over Spain Both of these parties denied any responsibility for these events for two years who should have had access to asylum under international law were surrounded by Moroccan security forces deployed the previous day These forces pushed them towards the Spanish border crossing at a Melilla neighborhood called Barrio Chino they were stopped by the Spanish Civil Guard Spanish and Moroccan police forces then attacked them from all sides using riot control weapons told the online newspaper Público: “The intensive use of gas in an enclosed space undoubtedly caused the first deaths during the massacre.” The migrants were then brutally beaten by both security forces and those who managed to cross the border were forcibly returned to Morocco The investigator noted that Morocco and Spain blamed the migrants for their own deaths claiming that “the fatalities occurred due to a stampede among the migrants without mentioning the use of riot control equipment that was deployed in a courtyard blocking any escape route and thus creating a death trap.” Lo Coco explained that the report questions the claim that Spanish security forces were unaware of what was happening on the other side of the fence The damning report confirms the WSWS perspective of June 29 “The massacre was clearly coordinated by both countries as the Civil Guard allowed Moroccan security forces into Melilla to illegally drive refugees who made it across the border back to Morocco declared his full support for the actions of the border guards stating that they beat back a ‘violent assault’ and an ‘attack on the territorial integrity’ of Spain.” the Spanish government continues to deny any responsibility for this horrific crime Interior Minister Grande Marlaska made no statement and asserted that he would refer to the official investigation which he claimed “concluded and determined that there was no responsibility on the part of any authority.” This stance is still upheld by PSOE and Podemos. After the massacre, Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez equated malnourished and frightened migrants with an army, saying: “It was a violent attack on our country’s borders they were armed,” and maintained that the Spanish government “has always been proportional in responding to migration crises.” The pseudo-left Podemos party also adopted the criminal policy of excusing the massacre the Minister of Equality and leader of Podemos cowardly agreed with the PSOE to keep silent about the massacre Asked five times by journalists on Podemos’ stance on the massacre Government sources told El Confidencial that Montero’s silence was agreed between Podemos and Sánchez After mass outrage, she then stated that they were “unbearable events” and called for an “independent investigation.” However, this investigation was never conducted. In December, Podemos agreed with the PSOE not to request such a commission and even refrained from censuring the interior minister The statements put the PSOE-Podemos government in line with policies that previously would have been unthinkable except under far-right regimes It is yet another demonstration of how deeply Podemos leaders have integrated into the police apparatus of Spanish imperialism As El País admitted after Podemos rejected an inquiry: “Podemos has promoted similar requests for a commission twice in the past .. in this context of noise and controversy on several fronts and ministries of the coalition it is clear that ‘they are part of a government’ and do not want to call for resignations or disapproval of ministers.” But the true plans of the Spanish government and the strategic objective of this massacre became evident days later at the NATO summit held in Madrid The government succeeded in lobbying NATO to consider border crossings as a “hybrid threat” similar to terrorism This raises the question of whether the massacre was orchestrated to justify the PSOE-Podemos inclusion of migration as a “hybrid threat” in NATO strategy documents the PSOE and Podemos were allowing the arrival of thousands of Ukrainian refugees fleeing NATO’s war in Ukraine against Russia The Melilla massacre exposes that was not an act of solidarity with refugees but part of NATO’s strategy to promote imperialist war Imperialist war and violence against migrants are inseparable from repression against workers at home both parties directed the police violence used in Melilla against workers at home deploying thousands of police officers to suppress major strikes by truckers and the metal sector in Cádiz the right-wing Popular Party demanded that Spain deploy the army to stop migrants from coming to Spain “We ask the Spanish Government to do its job and stop once and for all this massive arrival of immigrants to our borders illegally and through mafias that are endangering the lives of these people.” Social Security and Migration Elma Saiz cynically reacted by declaring the PP’s demand “absolutely condemnable” and demanded an “immediate rectification from the PP.” They “not only embrace the theses of Vox but are going much further than the statements of ultra-right governments that we have also seen in Europe.” reacted to desperate migrants crossing from Morocco into Spain by deploying the army and special forces This was the first time the army was deployed against refugees Spain then sent hundreds of unaccompanied child migrants back to Morocco in flagrant violation of international law the Melilla massacre underscores the brutality and disregard of basic democratic rights that pervade the EU It now backs arming the Israeli regime’s genocide against Palestinians in Gaza and its advanced preparations for war with Lebanon It is part of the resurrection across Europe of forms of state-organised violence and political reaction not seen since Europe was ruled by fascist regimes during the 1930s The massacre and its aftermath is also a warning As workers enter into struggle against inflation militarism and attacks on democratic rights Podemos and Sumar determined enemies of the working class ready and willing to use deadly force against workers and youth Against the threat of savage repression at home and war abroad the World Socialist Web Site calls for the building of an international workers’ movement against war that defends democratic rights through the struggle for socialism Border Forensics say dozens of deaths in 2022 at EU’s Melilla border was result of antagonistic security policy Moroccan authorities took a series of fateful decisions that led to the deaths of dozens of asylum seekers attempting to scale the border fence into the Spanish north African territory of Melilla two years ago survivors and an investigation by an NGO have claimed At least 27 migrants and asylum seekers died when up to 2,000 people tried to climb over the fence on 24 June 2022 – the deadliest day in recent memory along the EU land border with Africa – while 70 others are still missing and unaccounted for Amnesty International has said the “widespread use of unlawful force” by Moroccan and Spanish authorities contributed to the fatalities and a UN working group of experts described the deaths as evidence of the “racialised exclusion and deadly violence deployed to keep out people of African and Middle Eastern descent”. Read moreThe investigation by the Border Forensics NGO which includes testimonies from survivors and satellite images has claimed evidence suggests Moroccan authorities pushed the asylum seekers to the border while also increasing its militarisation Dozens of survivors told Border Forensics that hundreds of people were forced to move to the southern part of Mount Gourougou – around 6km from the Melilla barrier – after a series of attacks by Moroccan law enforcement agents in the days before the deaths at the border “The police started attacking us and throwing stones at us – they destroyed all our food and water – they did this so that we would leave,” a survivor told the NGO Analysis of satellite images produced by Border Forensics from the days preceding 24 June shows an increase in the number of troops in several areas along the border as well as the construction of an additional trench on the Moroccan side of the fence “The police came from both sides in order to push us in the same direction,” one of the survivors told Border Forensics We all gathered at the fence and they started to throw teargas grenades at us.” In the days before the incident, Border Forensics say police carried out several raids on the camps where the migrants and refugees slept rough as they waited for the chance to cross into Spain The police confiscated food and any cash they could find Mahamat Daoud Abderassoul: ‘We had no way to escape.’ Photograph: Border ForensicsMahamat Daoud Abderassoul a 27-year-old Sudanese man who escaped the war in his homeland and survived the events of 24 June 2022 said he and others had been attacked twice in the days before what he termed “the massacre” He said: “The Moroccans knew how we were moving and when we were moving They wanted to direct us towards the border fence where we had no way to escape in order to make a larger number of murders We also spoke with them the days before the massacre and they gave us no alternative but to move from the mountains to their trap.” The events of 24 June began early in the morning as an increasing number of migrants and asylum seekers made their way into the enclosure and Moroccan police established a perimeter at Barrio Chino Witness accounts allege that the authorities resorted to aggressive tactics including hurling stones and firing rubber bullets at migrants Reports from the investigative organisation Lighthouse Reports indicate that at least 20 gas canisters were deployed within the area Amid the chaos and with the teargas leaving people choking and blinded individuals surged towards the Spanish side of the checkpoint fell and were trampled as others rushed forward Free newsletterA digest of the morning's main headlines from the Europe edition emailed direct to you every week day A spokesperson for Spain’s interior ministry said state prosecutors had investigated the “tragic events” that took place in Melilla two years ago and determined that there was no negligence or rights violations by Spanish Guardia Civil officers that day He referred the Guardian to previous comments by the interior minister who has always insisted that officers acted “legally proportionately and with absolute respect for human rights” Grande-Marlaska has also said there was no loss of life on the Spanish territory The Moroccan government has been contacted for comment. Morocco has previously said its officers acted “with a high level of control and professionalism” and said that some of those who rushed to the fence were armed with sticks Several testimonies point to the role played by informants recruited by the Moroccan authorities to provide information on the internal organisation of attempts to cross the barriers at Melilla and Ceuta survivors mentioned the presence of ‘moles’ who were among them in the camps,” says the report “They had apparently been enlisted beforehand by the Moroccan authorities so that the internal organisation of the migrants Border Forensics concludes that what it called “the death trap into which the migrants fell” is evidence of a longstanding systemic approach by Europe “It was weaved by policies and practices operating in an extended space-time including European and Spanish policies of externalising migration control established over more than two decades impunity for violence perpetrated over many years and the daily racist repression deployed against black people in the area,” say the researchers “All these elements combined to form a death trap which the Spanish and Moroccan law enforcement agents executed on 24 June 2022.” The NGO says a “fundamental reorientation of European migration policies” and of relations between Europe and the global south would help put an end to the deaths and violence agreements and legislation that also need to be dismantled.” The Diplomat in Spain is the reference digital newspaper for diplomats and companies that want to be well informed © 2024 The Diplomat in Spain Please enter your username or email address to reset your password © 2024 The Diplomat in Spain The incident took place near the coast of Melilla a Spanish city of 85,000 people on the coast of mainland Africa Spanish police boat appears to mount migrant dinghy approaching Melilla 30 Mar 2025 09:30:00 GMT?.css-1txiau5-AnswerContainer{color:var(--GlobalColorScheme-Text-secondaryText2);}CD Coria vs Melilla on Sun This is 29 of the Segunda Federacion - Group 5 Predicted lineups are available for the match a few days in advance while the actual lineup will be available about an hour ahead of the match The current head to head record for the teams are CD Coria 1 win(s) Have scored 2 goals in their last 5 matches Who won between CD Coria and Melilla on Sun 30 Mar 2025 09:30:00 GMT?CD Coria vs Melilla on Sun 30 Mar 2025 09:30:00 GMT ended in a 2–2 tie.InsightsHave scored 9 goals in their last 5 matches CD Coria is playing home against Melilla on Sun has visited the new facilities at the Beni Enzar border post which has been modernised following an investment of nearly 11 million euros has confirmed in Melilla the "full adaptation" of the Beni Enzar border crossing to the requirements established by the European Union for the smart border which will be operational in the coming months "The autonomous city has a modern post that will guarantee more agile secure and efficient border management and will benefit the people of Melilla" said the minister during his visit this morning to the new facilities accompanied by the Government of Spain's delegate in Melilla Grande-Marlaska stressed Spain's commitment to meeting the deadlines and requirements requested by the European Union for implementing the smart border "We are ready for its entry into force when the European Commission determines it The system will allow the time and place of entry and exit of third-country nationals admitted for a short stay in the Schengen area to be recorded electronically The adaptation of the border post has required an investment of close to 11 million euros to equip the border accesses with modern technological systems and adapt the facilities "in an unprecedented comprehensive intervention" The minister also reiterated the investment in infrastructures at the fenced perimeter for the autonomous city which brings the figure to over 38 million euros the work at the border crossing point has included creating new pedestrian and vehicle entry and exit terminals adapting lanes and CCTV and telecommunications systems as well as modernising and equipping the service facilities for the State law enforcement forces and agencies and creating new operational control rooms Grande-Marlaska highlighted the importance of the new infrastructure to facilitate border management with Morocco which he described as a "strategic partner" in the fight against terrorism and organised crime and in migratory matters as well as a "friendly and brotherly country" the Minister for Home Affairs held an operational meeting with the Government of Spain's delegate which was also attended by the Commissioner General for the Border and Alien National Police Chief Commissioner Julián Ávila; the Head of the Border and Maritime Police Command of the Guardia Civil Lieutenant General Manuel Navarrete; the Senior Chief of the National Police in Melilla Chief Commissioner José Antonio Togores and the Head of the Guardia Civil's Command in the autonomous city This website uses its own and third-party cookies to maintain the session, offer a better user experience and obtain statistical data on user navigation. For more information see Cookies policy Spain and Morocco must provide answers to victims of human rights violations in Melilla had fled his home country of Chad and traveled through eight countries but in none of them did he receive protection 24 June was the first time he tried to enter Spain something different.” Zacharias was beaten by Moroccan and Spanish police officers on that day and was caught by Spanish police as he climbed down from the fence on the Melilla side of the border along with a failure to provide timely medical assistance contributed to – if not directly caused – their deaths and injuries neither Morocco nor Spain have conducted independent and impartial investigations and no one has been brought to justice for these grave human rights violations This is not only an insult to the memory of those who died but also exacerbates the suffering of their loved ones and other victims The 24 June tragedy epitomizes the failure of European migration policies and the approach to border management by Morocco and Spain where the focus has for decades been on security rather than ensuring a safe and humane treatment to migrants and asylum seekers This catastrophic incident illustrates discrimination and disregard for people’s lives both by the policy makers and those carrying out their orders at the borders they hit you with sticks and they also use sharp objects they hit you with stones and sticks to make you fall in Sometimes the Moroccan police even push us into the boat There are people who disappear; they are never heard from again one of the two Spanish enclaves in Morocco shares a physical land border of 11.2 km with Morocco and is separated from the Northern province of Nador by three fences and particularly the four official border crossing points along it have been the sites of deaths and injuries of many people trying to leave Morocco and enter Europe all designed to prevent people from accessing Spanish territory Amnesty International has long documented how the militarization and securitisation of these border management systems as well as the use of weapons to stop people from crossing the Ceuta and Melilla borders makes it difficult for people to access safe routes for asylum “…the violence documented in videos of the scenes at Melilla’s gate tragically reveals the status quo of the European Union’s borders namely racialised exclusion and deadly violence deployed to keep out people of African and Middle Eastern descent irrespective of their rights under international refugee or international human rights law between 1500 and 2000 refugees and migrants attempted to cross the border between Morocco and Melilla.As they approached the informal crossing point of Barrio Chino they were met by more than 100 Moroccan border forces firing at them with tear gas pelting rocks and hitting them with batons resulted in at least 37 people dying and many more being injured Some 76 people are still missing to this day.Moroccan and Spanish security forces used weapons such as batons tear gas and rubber bullets in an enclosed area from which people could not easily leave Law enforcement officials continued to use such weapons even after people were under police control and could not move Testimonies indicate that actions by both Spanish and Moroccan police and border guards used unlawful force and were punitive in intent People have described to Amnesty International how border guards beat them repeatedly used tear gas in confined spaces and denied them access to healthcare even when they were badly injured.“We realized that we were in a box both the Moroccan and Spanish security forces were throwing everything at us and it was difficult to breathe.” Zacharias and they shot us with small guns with rubber bullets They hit us on our heads with long wooden sticks and knives.” As the Moroccan border forces began throwing tear gas and stones at the group  eyewitnesses stated that two stampedes formed as people tried desperately to escape the attack.Witnesses said that Moroccan agents then started to beat people using batons including at those already on the ground and injured  Those who continued to climb the fences were specifically targeted by the border forces pelting them with stones and beating them with batons on their backs and feet into a concentrated area.Around 400 people were trapped in this 200m2 enclosed area between the walls and the Moroccan forces Moroccan police officers threw people on top of each other This can be seen in several videos verified by Amnesty International which show people lying on the ground while Moroccan officers poke and hit them with their batons a Moroccan officer is clearly seen kicking a person lying on the ground They hit us on our heads with long wooden sticks and knives.”Abuobida said that he climbed over the first wall before it fell but that Moroccan officials caught him and took him back He described watching the Moroccan police beating his brother and cousin to death as he was climbing over the wall.“They were trying to climb the wall but the authorities had tear gas and stones They [his brother and cousin] fell down on the Moroccan side and the police were hitting them with wooden sticks the Spanish police forces arrived at the fences at Barrio Chino crossing point from the Spanish side preventing people from entering Melilla.Amnesty International condemns the Spanish security forces in Melilla’s unlawful use of force including at times with punitive intent or effect and misused weapons including rubber balls What was particularly shocking was the use of pepper spray and tear gas at close distance to prevent people from entering Melilla even while they were trapped inside the border enclosure and being attacked from all sides by Moroccan and Spanish forces over a two hour period where it was clear that the gas would affect people who could not escape.Amnesty International was told that Spanish security forces continued to beat people even after they were in their control and unable to respond including as they handed individuals over to the Moroccan forces.Zacharias said that he was caught by Spanish police after he came down from the fence.“An officer hit me on the head with a truncheon lifted me by my shirt and passed me between the fences where a Moroccan policeman was waiting.”I could see how Moroccan police officers beat people who were on the ground unconscious…I got away from him and started to run through the area between the fences…I asked for asylum in several African countries The 24th [of June] was the first time I tried to enter Spain Moroccan and Spanish officers inflicted widespread beatings on injured people trapped in between the fences of the Barrio Chino border crossing.The crush left people piled on top of each other and was intensified as officials violently pushed more people on top of those already lying on the ground This violent repression lasted over two hours.Even more disturbingly for at least 8 hours afterwards neither Moroccan nor Spanish officers provided adequate medical assistance to the wounded people – a display of inhumanity which likely contributed to avoidable loss of life.The Moroccan authorities did not send ambulances to the scene until 11:30am around two and a half hours after the border crossing attempt began The four ambulances that Morocco did send initially prioritised removing dead bodies rather than helping the injured people.Later allowing more injured people to be transferred minimal and grossly inadequate medical assistance was provided to injured people at the scene according to testimonies received by Amnesty International.On the Spanish side of the border the authorities also failed to make any effort to provide much-needed medical assistance to wounded people crammed into the facility described Spanish authorities forcibly removing people from Spanish territory and transferring them to Moroccan security forces without any sign of due process to assess safety risks and despite them being in evident need of medical care a dereliction of duty that may amount to torture and other ill-treatment it may even have contributed to a number of deaths families of 76 people who have been missing since that day are still searching for answers.The Moroccan Ministries of Justice and the Interior have so far done nothing to help them discover the fate and whereabouts of their loved ones and have in fact obstructed attempts by families and NGOs to locate them.All of these individuals were last seen in the custody of state officials either put on buses to be transferred to cities across Morocco or otherwise being restrained at the border.Kori He said that he along with “all of the people captured by the police were taken by the Moroccan police to the prison then after that in the prison they were being beaten by hammers in their head until they passed away.”According to his testimony some policemen shot people in the head directly with rubber bullets while in prison the police “started removing people and taking them to the Algerian desert Those who were badly injured were taken to hospital and others were distributed within cities in Morocco.” The Moroccan authorities have refused to publish the list of those who died that day and to actively inform their families and have made it practically impossible for other organizations such as the AMDH and ICRC to carry out their work in searching for missing people.The day after the attempted border crossing the AMDH were able to access the Nador morgue for the first and only time and found 15 bodies of people who appeared to have suffered injuries to their heads and faces they were denied permission to look at the bodies or to verify their identities I saw [my uncle] in a video laying on the ground and he looked dead… I have an uncle who lives in France who went to Spain to verify the news of the passing of Anwar but the authorities in Spain didn’t allow him to do anything The victims and their families deserve the truth justice and reparations for the catalogue of human rights abuses committed on 24 June 2022 at Melilla.There is compelling evidence that Moroccan and Spanish security forces used unnecessary and excessive force committed acts which may amount to torture and other ill-treatment – including beatings even after people were restrained and denied medical care to people injured by state officials which in addition to causing pain and suffering likely contributed to the at least 37 people dying and many others being injuredThey also failed to ensure that people’s right to seek asylum was respected instead committing refoulement by forcing people back into the hands of Moroccan officials where they were at real risk of serious human rights violations.Many people were forcibly transferred away from the border crossing and many have been subjected to enforced disappearance as their fate and whereabouts continues to be unknown.Despite the evidence of such grave human rights violations neither the Spanish not the Moroccan authorities have launched independent and impartial investigations and no one has been held accountable.Indeed the authorities have continued to violate the right to information truth and justice for the families and friends of at least 76 individuals who have not seen or heard from their loved ones since they were last seen in the hands of Moroccan forces that day Spanish authorities have asserted that there are safe and legal routes to claim asylum available but this claim has been shown to be unfounded at Melilla.At this border on 24 June which may amount to torture and other ill-treatment amongst other egregious human rights violations all at the hands of Moroccan and Spanish border guards the relatives of those killed are being impeded rather than supported in the search for their loved ones Six months on and we do not even know precisely how many people died that day and r the fate and whereabouts of at least 76 people is still unknown.The failure to conduct impartial investigations into what happened that day not only breaches human rights obligations but also shows a complete disregard for the victims and their families and leaves open the possibility that such abuses could be committed again in future