Special Issue: Violence Targeting Local Officials armed men stormed the municipal building of San Miguel Totolapan a town that lies in the western Tierra Caliente region his father who was also the former mayor of the town While the public was struck by the lethality of the attack as hundreds of elected representatives and civil servants are targeted each year in Mexico Violence targeting local public officials has been particularly widespread across the country with those serving in state and municipal bodies representing the vast majority of victims Authorities attributed the attack in San Miguel Totolapan to Los Tequileros a criminal group that competes against La Familia Michoacana for the control of drug trafficking markets Analysis of these attacks often singles out organized crime as the driving force behind violence targeting local officials Electoral cycles are also understood to fuel spikes in such targeting under the premise that organized crime groups threaten and assassinate public officials and candidates who could hamper their operations ACLED records at least 20 events attributed to identified criminal groups and spikes in violence ahead of the 2018 general elections and 2021 elections of federal deputies This explanation accounts for some of the dynamics driving the targeting of local public officials blaming organized crime alone fails to account for other actors and local power dynamics at play This report seeks to challenge the monolithic interpretation of the targeting of local officials in Mexico It highlights that violence targeting local public officials does not always coincide with hotspots of organized crime violence and areas where ACLED has recorded high levels of events likely related to gang violence and weak protection mechanisms for local public officials Targeted Violence Beyond Organized Crime Hotspots ACLED records violence targeting local officials across the country the distribution of the violence is not uniform with violence clustering largely in the South Southeast and Central Western states (see map below) there is a correlation between violent actions against local officials and those likely connected to criminal gangs this correlation does not hold true across the country where ACLED records some of the highest levels of violence targeting administrators have relatively lower levels of events likely related to gang violence ACLED records over 100 events of violence targeting local officials between 2018 and 2022 but the state does not feature among the most violent when looking at political violence events likely related to gang activity violence in this state can be partly attributed to political disputes Some municipalities in this state are governed by uso y costumbres (uses and customs) a participatory electoral system overseeing the election of municipal authorities by a community assembly and their interference in Indigenous organizations to win elections has led to divisions within these communities and is likely a driver of violence against local officials*.* The absence of clear rules and institutions to mediate conflicts has also prevented the adoption of long-term solutions for post-electoral disputes Chiapas state has been the scene of similar tensions voting by uso y costumbres was suspended due to clashes between supporters of opposing groups actions targeting local public officials have remained relatively low The cause of the low levels of such targeted violence in these states is unclear criminal groups are reported to make use of intimidations and threats with the aim of penetrating local authorities and influencing decision-making ACLED records about 1,000 events of violence targeting local officials Direct attacks constitute a large majority of the violence recorded by ACLED accounting for about 62% (see graph below) These actions typically involve several perpetrators or the use of specific techniques and procedures – such as drive-by shootings and execution-style killings – that are often attributed to organized crime groups While these manifestations of violence targeting local officials prevail victims have faced a multiplicity of threats including violence perpetrated by demonstrators and violent mobs as well as non-direct physical intimidation targeting their properties including violent demonstrations and mob violence represents the second largest share of physical threats faced by local officials While the level of riot activity remains relatively constant over the years This trend is especially apparent in June 2021 rioters have temporarily detained and assaulted local officials for failing to address their demands The vast majority of recorded riot events take place outside of state capitals and have mainly targeted representatives and employees of municipal authorities which embody the political institution closest to the population threats and intimidation can also be indicators of upcoming violence Actions like the targeting of private or public property which account for 6% of all recorded violent events between 2018 and 2022 rarely result in the injuring or killing of the targeted individual and suggest perpetrators intend it as a means of intimidation Current and former local administrators who have reported threats have been subsequently assassinated thus highlighting the limitations of the reporting and protection mechanisms where he had moved after receiving threats presumed to be from an organized criminal group ACLED also records over 30 instances of violence that resulted in clashes with security bodies escorting local officials further suggesting the victims’ vulnerability despite protective measures Protection mechanisms are centralized within federal agencies which has raised questions about their efficiency and accessibility at the local level as they are hindered by a lack of trust and collaboration between federal and local authorities the threats faced by political actors are likely under-reported despite several initiatives systematizing reports of intimidation the violence and psychological pressure exerted on local government officials could be even more significant than what is already quantifiable Elections Exacerbate Threats to Local Officials ACLED data indicate that levels of violence targeting local officials typically fluctuate according to electoral cycles Some of the highest levels of violence are recorded in 2018 during Mexico’s general elections and 2021 during the elections of federal deputies and municipal representatives (see graph below) ACLED records at least 10 and 20 violent incidents targeting candidates who were also serving as local administrators The perpetrators’ motives remain unknown in the majority of cases amid a high rate of impunity Despite this lack of official accountability the violence is often labeled as the work of organized crime groups The narrative that is assigned is often one where organized crime groups use violence to influence election outcomes and advantage affiliated candidates in return for guarantees that law enforcement and rival criminal groups will not interfere in their activities and procedures typically associated with organized crime groups has notably driven this interpretation this has been criticized for failing to track the masterminds behind the violence Rivalries and disputes between political elites also serve as an important driver of violence targeting local officials candidates have increasingly relied on organized crime to secure funding for campaigning and security guarantees in areas where criminal competition has led to high levels of violence some politicians are believed to use the services of non-partisan enforcers to threaten or attack their opponents the campaign manager for mayoral candidate René Tovar in Cazones de Herrera municipality Veracruz ordered an attack on Tovar to substitute him in the position a Citizens’ Movement candidate in the municipal elections of Cocula Guerrero reported that he had received threats from his opponent from the Morena party and private actors’ stakes in local election results have led to high levels of violence both in the lead-up to the elections and during voting the day of Mexico’s general elections stemming from the targeting of local electoral staff and polling stations and the theft and destruction of ballot boxes including at least six such reported events in Puebla state the highest number of violent events targeting local officials occurred on voting day on 6 June with armed men and mobs targeting polling stations The drivers of violence in these states are not uniform but rather answer to local dynamics of power Previous records of electoral conflicts on voting day have allowed the National Electoral Institute (INE) – an autonomous body overseeing the organization and regulations of elections – to identify municipalities at risk of violence ahead of the general elections scheduled for 2024 local officials are the target of violent actors beyond the main electoral periods Despite a relative decrease compared to 2018 and 2021 a high number of violent events was also reported in 2019 and 2022 a testament to persisting criminal and political rivalries that materialize during administration shifts at the regional and local levels Criminal groups have notably targeted local administrators beyond elections exacting retaliation against officials who fail to deliver on pre-electoral agreements and prevent security operations against their activities Organized crime groups have also frequently targeted local officials due to their collaboration with rival groups members of Jalisco New Generation Cartel attacked a worker serving at Irapuato municipality in Guanajuato state for his alleged ties with the rival Santa Rosa de Lima Cartel the attack launched by Los Tequileros in San Miguel Totolapan in Guerrero came before the mayor was allegedly scheduled to meet with the head of La Familia Michoacana a rival criminal group operating in the same region Political rivalries and interpersonal conflicts are also reported to contribute to violence beyond electoral cycles the sons of a former mayor of Santiago Amoltepec and their bodyguards clashed with municipal police forces while allegedly attempting to kill the incumbent mayor This example particularly highlights that local officials may be involved – as either instigators or victims – in violent actions while no longer in office ACLED records the killing of over 200 former elected officials in regional and local offices across the country Prospects Ahead of the 2024 General Elections In outlining the multitude of threats faced by local public officials this report challenges common understandings of political violence in Mexico as a function of organized crime alone and draws instead attention to the political disputes and power dynamics that contribute to widespread violence 2023 paints a worrying picture of violence targeting local officials in Mexico ACLED records over 100 reported violent events marking a 32% increase compared to levels recorded during the same period in 2022 even as local elections were held on 4 June in Coahuila and Mexico states many violent incidents took place in Oaxaca ACLED has consistently recorded high levels of violence targeting local officials amid organized crime group activity and political conflicts The next general elections scheduled for June 2024 are likely to exacerbate tensions and heighten the risks of violence Local officials and candidates are especially at risk and competition to secure an electoral seat might further compound these threats The adoption of reforms to the INE could set fertile grounds for unrest and electoral conflicts around voting outcomes sets provisions for budget and staff cuts that are expected to reduce its monitoring and arbitration capacity President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has pushed for the reform and openly criticized the institution accusing it of partiality and failing to address previous electoral fraud claims in elections in which he participated These criticisms are likely to further delegitimize the INE as an institutional recourse in the event of an electoral conflict Visuals in this report were produced by Ciro Murillo Sandra Pellegrini Sandra Pellegrini is a Latin America Regional Specialist at ACLED and has been with the organization since September 2018 she supports the analysis of political violence and demonstrations across Latin America Sandra holds an International Master in Russian Central and East European Studies from the University of Glasgow and a Master of International Relations from KIMEP University Almaty She has over six years of experience in conflict analysis investigating political disorder in Latin America and the post-Soviet space Report reveals that after fleeing violence many children found themselves in overcrowded shelters where they faced further dangers and continued to be denied their rights In Mexico’s 15 poorest municipalities – located in three southern states with large indigenous populations — more than 98% of the population lives in poverty A report published by national social development agency Coneval on Wednesday shows that eight of those municipalities are in Oaxaca The poorest municipality in 2020 was San Simón Zahuatlán, Oaxaca, where 99.6% of residents live in poverty. In 2019, human development in the municipality, located in the state’s Mixteca region, was comparable to that in Yemen, the United Nations said in a report The second poorest municipality was Cochoapa el Grande, Guerrero, where the practice of selling young girls into marriage to alleviate poverty is common 99.4% of residents in the Montaña region municipality live in poverty The other 13 municipalities with poverty rates above 98% were San Juan Cancuc – were also among the 15 poorest municipalities in the country in 2010 and 2015 A person is considered to be living in poverty if their income is below Coneval’s poverty threshold – currently 3,898 pesos (US $187) per month in urban areas and 2,762 pesos (US $133) in rural areas – and they present at least one social deficiency out of six among which are poor access to adequate nutrition A person is considered to be living in extreme poverty if their income is below 1,850 pesos per month in urban areas and 1,457 pesos in rural areas and they present at least three social deficiencies The 15 municipalities with the highest extreme poverty rates are also located in Oaxaca Santiago Amoltepec ranked first in that category with 84.4% of residents living in extreme poverty Coneval also identified the municipalities with the highest number of residents living in poverty and extreme poverty last year headed the former list with almost 817,000 impoverished people Five other municipalities had more than half a million poor people in 2020, when poverty levels rose due to the pandemic had the highest number of people living in extreme poverty – more than 126,000 – while León also had more than 100,000 extremely poor residents Coneval said that half of all Mexicans not considered poor live in just 46 urban municipalities located mainly in the country’s central and northern states an affluent municipality in the metropolitan area of Monterrey had the lowest poverty rate in the country in 2020 with just 5.5% of residents considered poor Human development there in 2019 was comparable to that in France Eleven of the 15 municipalities with the lowest poverty rates last year – all 11% or lower – are in Nuevo León The four other municipalities among the 15 with the lowest poverty rates last year are Benito Juárez A report published earlier this month said that Mexico is one of the most unequal countries in the world The top 10% of income earners in Mexico earn over 30 times more than the bottom 50% ADVERTISE WITH MND COMMUNITY GUIDELINES Subscription FAQ's Privacy Policy Mexico News Daily - Property of Tavana LLC Barbara Mundy journeyed all the way to Spain to track down more than two dozen 16th-century maps of Mexico But she quickly learned that not everyone treated them with the same reverence that she did now a professor of art history at Fordham University specializing in Latin American art and wait for the materials to be hauled from storage they were often folded into little parcels and haphazardly stuffed into volumes staff would pass them to her with a lit cigarette in hand That relaxed attitude toward the documents took Mundy by surprise gruff approach wasn’t universal at the time when centuries-old materials are usually handled much more gingerly “They show us this horizon of mapmaking in the New World the way that indigenous people are reimagining their landscape,” she says “The Spanish king had no idea what his territory looked like,” Mundy says and a transatlantic voyage was no small undertaking A few generations after Spanish troops and their indigenous allies seized the Americas, administrators fanned out across New Spain They distributed surveys and convened groups of residents to provide a lay of the land “The questionnaire asked for many things—the history of the town who was the conquerer,” says Rosario I the Blanton curator who organized the exhibition The surveys asked for a tally of the characteristics of the natural world and the way humans harnessed or exploited them—the nearby volcanoes and lagoons the location of ports and the ferocity of the sea the illnesses that felled communities and the remedies residents used to stall them were “really a compilation of information that transcended what we now understand as geography.” while others set their sights on mountain ranges and others focused less on a static landscape and more on depicting change over time Several maps feature inscriptions in multiple languages What they have in common is a snapshot of how some members of indigenous communities saw their home at a time of tremendous change we can pretty securely determine that most of these are [made by] indigenous artists,” Mundy says The visual language includes elements of Aztec maps such as footprints and water denoted by vibrant Maya blue pigment with swirling shapes that emphasize the dynamism of eddies and currents All of this leads scholars to believe “these are not Spaniards coming in and making these maps,” Mundy says though Spanish authorities were present for the process Towns that already had a rich mapmaking tradition “created in the way they knew,” Granados says the pictures only illustrate the experiences of a small sliver of the population Though most of the mapmakers are unknown to us it’s safe to say that they were all made by powerful privileged members of indigenous communities “We know from other historical documentation that people who would have been painters were always elites because painting was not just a mechanical art—it was a way of making knowledge visible,” Mundy says would have had elevated status in the native communities,” Mundy says “no matter what ethnic identity they had.” These paintings depict tangible structures like churches and waterways but they also say something about the underlying power structure includes a roomy community center where the elites would have gathered—and the artist depicted it even larger than the church Granados believes that these kinds of artistic choices reflect social stratification “The hierarchies that were very much alive when the Spaniards conquered continued to be alive two or three generations after,” she says “Instead of having them at the top of the chain Even as they emphasized their native cultures the artists employed some of the cartographic traditions emerging in Europe the way European mapmakers rendered topography which departed from a tradition of depicting mountains as discrete such as the one of Tetliztaca—but that map is transatlantic in other ways footprints wander past a church depicted in the European style “You see how the two visual traditions are mingling in one single document,” Granados says The maps feature various riffs on a standardized church symbol: a simple boxy rendering crowned by a cross and a bell tower and often bearing virtually no resemblance to the actual structure on the ground Mundy suspects that the painters may have been familiar with these representations from Spanish coins or books—or may have encountered them on “printed [European] city plans where a little castle and a gathering of buildings signify a city.” As much as the empire was forged through force and the surveys eventually sailed back to Spain As for exactly who laid eyes on them—that’s a little murky we don’t have any record of what [the King] thought when he saw the maps,” Granados says “It could be that he never actually saw them.” It seems that his cosmographer The maps entered Velasco’s files and were later archived before about 35 of them were sold to the Mexican collector Joaquín García Icazbalceta in 1853 Icazbalceta’s heirs offloaded them in a sale decades later; they arrived at the University of Texas at Austin in 1937 which are in the LILAS Benson Latin American Studies and Collections at the University of Texas at Austin alongside contemporary art and discussions about “the flexibility of borders and how power has to be negotiated to some extent.” A map is an exercise of power: evidence of someone studying a landscape and trying to organize it into something sensical to them “Making a map is a way of controlling that territory and creating it in your own imagination,” Granados says “It’s something you can share with others and say ‘This is what I have done.’” These maps may have been intended as useful trophies for Spanish officials—proof of the spoils of land and keys to leveraging them—but today Granados and Mundy view them as something more complex “I love that these maps force us to understand how nuanced the process of inculturation was,” Granados says that conquest didn’t snuff out the vibrant visual culture that had flourished before We depend on ad revenue to craft and curate stories about the world’s hidden wonders Consider supporting our work by becoming a member for as little as $5 a month Follow us on Twitter to get the latest on the world's hidden wonders Like us on Facebook to get the latest on the world's hidden wonders MEXICO: In the poverty-stricken mountains of southern Mexico children can only dream of internet or television that would allow them to join millions of others following distance learning during the pandemic The coronavirus outbreak and its impact on education are just the latest chapters in a long history of marginalisation of indigenous communities in the region which has one of the world's highest Covid-19 tolls began a new school year last month with remote learning via television aimed at curbing the spread of the disease But in the homes of San Miguel Amoltepec Viejo a windswept village in one of the country's poorest regions there's no television signal and the electricity goes out when it rains," said teacher Jaime Arriaga Arriaga stayed all week in the remote area and avoided the more than two-hour drive along a winding sometimes-unpaved road from the region's main city the 33-year-old visits every fortnight to bring educational material and meet with parents in the community 3,000 meters (nearly 10,000 feet) above sea level in Guerrero state Arriaga watched from the doorway as 25-year-old Natalia Vazquez helped her daughter Viridiana do her schoolwork in their modest home while piglets grunted outside She whispered in the five-year-old's ear how to say hello in her native language a variant of the Mixtec indigenous language now serves as a warehouse or improvised dining room Celso Santiago's three children study in their house with wooden walls and an earthen floor The 29-year-old farmer said he would try to make sure his children did not fall behind "We have jobs and I can't be taking care of the children," he said "If they couldn't learn much from what the teacher taught before now we're going to be worse off with this pandemic." Illiteracy among adults makes home schooling an even bigger challenge "We're in an area that's highly marginalized and falling behind in education because many parents don't even know how to read or write," he said More than two-thirds of indigenous Mexicans live in poverty 82 percent of the population is indigenous and on average they finish only a quarter of basic education their owners having left to look for work in northern Mexico or across the border in the United States Although its lack of medical centers makes it highly vulnerable the area has so far avoided a major outbreak of the coronavirus helped by its remote location and sparse population 8,563 indigenous people have been infected with the coronavirus and 1,249 have died While the city of Tlapa has recorded 293 confirmed cases and 44 deaths Cochoapa el Grande has registered only two cases and no deaths "Perhaps this area is still untouched and there are no infections," said Martiniano Pastrana But he still insists on warning the residents that the virus is real something that he knows only too well because his father-in-law and brother-in-law fell ill Santiago believes that the villagers have stronger immunity because they eat what they grow themselves and not food that is "canned and chemical" like in the cities Tel: +603-7784 6688      Fax: +603-7785 2625