The Pan-American Development Foundation of Mexico proposed to refurbish the sports center of Xoxocotla Municipality
which was structurally damaged by the 2017 earthquake
and to build a new community center for the town
The work was carried out through the collaboration of Federico Colella
two constructions are inserted into an irregular plot: the bigger
taller one contains double-height multipurpose spaces; the longer
lower volume harbors offices and classrooms
The porticoes shield the interior from direct solar radiation
The slope and the geometry of the roofs facilitate cross ventilation
The bamboo lattices improve thermal conditions
The doors and windows of interwoven reeds let air and light through
The mixed structures of the two volumes include steel profiles and Mattone-system compacted earth blocks (BTC)
originally developed by Gloria and Roberto Mattone
Improving environmental conditions indoors while reducing building costs
these blocks present a double male/female joint and were prepared on the site using local earth and labor
with the help of a portable press machine donated by the Italian Embassy
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architect federico colella of re:lab has designed a new community center with cultural and leisure facilities in the mexican town of xoxocotla
commissioned by PADF-mexico (the pan-american development foundation)
the project provides local citizens with a new public space following the 2017 puebla earthquake
which caused structural damage to the existing sports center
images by jaime navarro
the new center is composed of two buildings orientated along the north-south axis on a triangle-shaped parcel of the existing sports center plot
houses a multifunctional double-high open space
it’s positioned parallel to an existing playground
creating a small green public square along the street
the second volume is lower and longer and it contains offices and classrooms for small workshop activities
this building is completely aligned with the street
a large portico links the two buildings and provides a welcome element of shading.
the larger building has a double pitched roof while the long
both of which are designed to improve cross ventilation
a system of suspended bamboo ceilings and lattices in the windows enhance thermal comfort; interwoven reed doors constantly allow air
light and shadows to permeate inside the rooms
a mixed structure has been used for both buildings that integrates standard steel profiles and compressed earth blocks (CEB) of the ‘mattone system’
a technology developed by gloria and roberto mattone
the earth blocks have been produced in situ with local material and labour
using a special transportable press-machine donated by the italian embassy in mexico with the support of xoxocotla community
who have also been involved in training workshops
the earth blocks provide improved environmental conditions inside the building and are left exposed to reduce construction costs
name: centro comunitario ‘cuexcomate’
program: community center and rehabilitation of the annexed sports center
client: PADF – mexico (pan american development foundation)
partnership: embassy of italy in mexico architecture: federico colella / re:lab project team: federico colella
structure: workshop-AE builder: DyC: diseño y construcción
photography: jaime navarro
designboom has received this project from our ‘DIY submissions‘ feature, where we welcome our readers to submit their own work for publication. see more project submissions from our readers here.
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Text description provided by the architects. After the 2017 Mexico big earthquake, due to structural damage in the sports center of Xoxocotla Municipality in Morelos, the PADF-Mexico (Pan-American Development Foundation), proposed to citizens a comprehensive rehabilitation project in this area, and a new community center with cultural and leisure facilities. The new public program is articulated in two buildings that fit in a remaining triangle-shaped area of the sport center.
The first structure larger and higher, with a multifunctional double-high open space, is placed parallel to an existing playground, creating a small green public square along the Niños Heroes Street; the second, lower and longer, that contains offices and classrooms for small workshop activities, is completely aligned with the street, generating a new urban front; a common large portico links the two buildings, improving a sense of community.
and BTC earth blocks of “Mattone system”
a technology developed by Gloria and Roberto Mattone
The BTC blocks “Mattone” improves a better quality of masonry
and have been produced in situ with local material and workers
using a special transportable press machine donated by the Italian Embassy in Mexico with the support of Xoxocotla community
that has also been involved in training workshops
Earth block properties get better environmental conditions inside the building and allow an exposed treatment of materials reducing construction costs
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From General Emiliano Zapata to poet Javier Sicilia
something in the Mexican state of Morelos breeds rebellion
After years of social and environmental struggles
the people of Morelos believe they have the blueprint for successful civil mobilization
What does golf have to do with civil resistance
at least in 1995 in the town of Tepoztlán
“The siege was a time of parties,” María Rosas reminisces
“At three o’clock in the morning
the central square of Tepoztlán was so full of people that it looked like 10 a.m
and everyone had a role to play in the defense of the town.”
Maria Rosas (middle) at the 2011 School of Authentic Journalism with veteran organizers Mercedes Osuna of Chiapas
DR 2011 Marta MolinaRosas is a radio producer and writer who participated in her town’s successful struggle against a building project that would’ve turned communal lands into a golf course
When the people of Tepoztlán found out about the plan
they expulsed the mayor and the police and barricaded all entrances to the town
Tepoztlán organized its own community police and elected an autonomous government
The movement in Tepoztlán identified closely with the Zapatista insurrection
Even the embroideries in carnival costumes declared solidarity: “We are all TEpoZtLáN,” they spelled out
with the letters EZLN bigger than the others
Tepoztlán was an autonomous municipality before any were formed in Chiapas
The link with the emerging Zapatista movement
helped Tepoztlán overcome a sense of isolation
For a moment the struggle was about something bigger than a golf course
“Tepoztlán is made of social networks formed by neighbors
During the autonomy they became stronger night by night as we sat in the square and talked about what we had been doing
and how we would get the tamales we needed to survive
It was a form of organization that dates from a time before political parties.”
María Rosas clearly loves these memories of her town’s successful mobilization
but one can’t miss a certain sadness in her voice when she talks about the all-night vigils and the way her little son learned to talk and march at the same time
Rosas would’ve wished for Tepoztlán to remain autonomous
near the spot where Emiliano Zapata was shot exactly 76 years earlier
The man’s death was followed by the cancellation of the construction plan
exhausted and mourning but also pleased with their victory
gradually allowed the police and political parties to return to Tepoztlán
Tepoztlán’s struggle is not the only of its kind
The eviction of the golf course marked a renaissance of resistance movements in the state of Morelos
During the almost 17 years that have passed since Tepoztlán first declared itself a free town
autonomous municipalities have popped up in different parts of the state
They have an impressive track record of winning most of their battles
tinged with sadness: many of the movements have failed to bridge the gaping class divisions that characterize Mexican society
Many times autonomy has lasted only a fleeting moment
Morelos is a state where both the police and organized crime seem to have no qualms about using overwhelming force to maintain the status quo
That has now become the issue around which Morelos’ inhabitants are mobilizing
hoping that their rebellion will spread outside the state’s borders
It was in Morelos where poet Javier Sicilia lost his son Juan Francisco to the worsening drug war violence in late March 2011
Sicilia and thousands of others took off from Cuernavaca
“All sectors of society have had enough,” says Francesco Taboada
“That’s the case with the entire country
Already before Sicilia we had reached a sense of convergence where different classes learned to fight side by side
Through our experience we’ve been trained in the art of resistance.”
“They’re Against Everything”
Morelos’ northern border touches Mexico City’s urban sprawl
The capital Cuernavaca has traditionally been a weekend playground for the capital’s rich and beautiful
But that’s not the whole truth about Morelos
A stone’s throw away from the spas and discos of Cuernavaca
a half-hour drive southeast from Tepoztlán
Emiliano Zapata’s childhood home nowadays hosts a museum
Zapata’s name has been co-opted by nearly every possible political tendency in Mexico
but the fact that the 1910 revolution started in Morelos still has significance to the people of the state
“Back then all parts of Mexico were facing the same problems,” says Victor Amezcua
Amezcua is an avid student of indigenous models of autonomy
slavery – it was not just an issue in Morelos
But the spark that started the revolution came from here.”
with the movement inspired by Javier Sicilia’s public mourning
Mexico is fighting a war against its own population
drug trafficking and impunity affect each Mexican state
but the spark of resistance comes from Morelos
In conversations about the state’s resistance movements a couple of themes keep coming up: access to water
the spillover from Mexico City’s urban growth
and movements that unite poor communities with well-off urbanites
“They’ve opposed so many things: an airport
They’re against pretty much everything
and they’ve won all their battles.”
An hour’s drive south from Francesco Taboada’s home
storm clouds are gathering above Xoxocotla
a town with an impressive reputation for insurgency
Armando Soriano is surveying a plot of land that a group of student activists wants to use for planting corn
DR 2011 Hanna Nikkanen“They’ll regret it,” Soriano says and eyes the ground critically
and there are lots of roots and thorns here
It’s tough enough when you’re used to this kind of work
He represents the town in Consejo de Pueblos
an alliance of 13 indigenous Morelos towns that have managed to score victories in a number of battles against the state government
They’ve evicted a landfill that was contaminating the water supply
they’ve stopped real estate developments that threatened to take away communities’ access to fresh water springs
they’ve fought illegal logging in the state’s northern mountains
Many of their victories have been the direct result of Xoxocotla residents’ unusual efficiency when it comes to constructing roadblocks and mobilizing entire communities to defend communal land
if we didn’t have access to clean water
the government would first claim that they couldn’t do anything about it,” Soriano says
“We’d block the road and eventually they’d fix the problem
This worked because we had real democracy in this town and we were united in our fight
But in this way we’ve earned the wrath of the government.”
Xoxocotla has had to pay a high price for its resistance
In October 2008 Morelos Governor Marco Adame sent the police to dismantle roadblocks that the residents of Xoxocotla had built to show solidarity with a teachers’ strike and to protest against a private condominium development that was sucking its water supply dry
The community quickly outwitted the police and managed to detain a few officers between roadblocks
The federal government responded by sending in the army – something between 500 and 1000 soldiers with an arsenal that included tanks and helicopters
even after the residents removed the roadblocks
There were dozens of illegal home searches
It was an absolutely disproportionate response to the situation
and the first taste of president Felipe Calderón’s government’s drive to increase the army’s powers in communities
“Sending the army to Xoxocotla was a scare tactic that was meant to send a message to all communities that were involved in the resistance,” says Fabiola Sánchez
one of the people behind political magazine El Pregón’s Morelos edition
so people didn’t even know that tear gas canisters can burn you
Old men and women would grab them with their bare hands and throw them back at the soldiers.”
The attack was followed by weeks of military occupation
It served to increase Xoxocotla’s reputation as a center of insurgency
Armando Soriano is worried about the future of the struggle
The state government is now spending a lot of money in order to divide the community
Residents loyal to the PRI party – in power in Morelos at the moment – receive food
money and even land in exchange for their silence
“There used to be only two groups here: the people and the government,” Soriano says
“Now we’re divided into six or seven groups
Mexico City is expanding like rings in water
Many of Morelos’ rural communities are seeing the approach of the outernmost circles
The arrival of the middle and upper classes means more trash
more luxury developments like the golf course that threatened Tepoztlán’s communal lands in the 1990s – and more contact between the traditional communities and the urban population
The urban middle class and rural communities have found shared interests
The organizational and tactical skills of the indigenous residents of towns like Xoxocotla have been priceless for these movements
since – as many middle-class participants are eager to admit – city-dwellers here don’t know much about mobilization
“I first met Javier Sicilia when we were protecting Casino de la Selva,” Taboada says
The movement opposed the construction of a supermarket in a public park on the outskirts of Cuernavaca in 2001 – and lost
A Costco now stands in the spot where the filmmaker once used to go swimming
Daniel Perera (left) translates Francesco Taboada during his visit to the School of Authentic Journalism
DR 2011 Tyler Stringfellow“Cuernavaca is a bourgeois town
and this was a struggle of middle-class environmentalists who had very little experience of confrontations with the police
Many participants were very trusting of the governor and the authorities
and they were paralyzed when the police suddenly cracked down.”
Clinical psychologist Sylvia Marcos was one of the urban professionals involved in the Casino de la Selva movement
she’s now working alongside Javier Sicilia to demand an end to the drug war violence
“The Casino de la Selva movement was full of people like me,” Marcos says
“It has always bothered me how these groups tend make indigenous campesino movements completely invisible
The truth is that they have always been at the heart of Morelos’ resistance.”
Taboada finds a short film he made in 2004 about a movement that opposed the building of a road across the river Barranca de los Sauces in Cuernavaca
three years had passed since the unsuccessful fight for Casino de la Selva
Cuernavaca’s environmentalists had used that time to construct relationships with rural communities and urban workers’ movements
a wealthy resident of a high-end neighborhood joins electricians and campesinos in a human chain that blocks the building site
Even subcomandante Marcos of the EZLN pays a visit
“The government doesn’t protect us,” the neatly dressed woman says to the camera
an unexpected presence in an iconic scene full of sombreros
The road was never constructed and Barranca de los Sauces remains untouched
That was the first of several victories that the environmental movement has reached in Cuernavaca
It wouldn’t have happened without the organizational skills of the rural communities that joined the fight
The Shock Doctrine that Got Out of the President’s Hands
A hailstorm hammers the road between Xoxocotla and Cuernavaca
sits in the back row of a bus and talks about drug war violence
she writes about political issues and citizen mobilizations for El Pregón
She has been visiting Armando Soriano in Xoxocotla to talk about the field that her fellow student activists want to use for learning to plant corn
The soft-spoken teenager looks younger than her years
people have had this completely unfounded trust in the army and the police
There’s a feeling that any one of us could be the next victim
It’s become a struggle for survival.”
If environmental issues were the umbrella under which different sectors of society in Morelos tentatively approached each other in the previous decade
urban violence seems to be the theme that might now cement those alliances
the increase in violence has been particularly dramatic
The press doesn’t even bother to report all murders committed by the police and drug cartels – the “collateral damage” from the drug war
The violence that used to take place in poor neighborhoods has now spread everywhere
Jacobo doesn’t seem particularly scared
She says that a combination of religion and political activism has vaccinated her against fear
has been the basis of president Felipe Calderón’s policies
the president has been losing control of this tactic
“A short while ago people wouldn’t have gone to the streets to protest the violence
Now that a lot of people have already started making noise
They feel like there’s security in the masses.”
a young filmmaker living near Tepoztlán
admits to belonging to the class that bought Calderón’s shock doctrine
the emergence of an intellectual like Sicilia has finally opened a space of political participation where he feels comfortable
Javier Sicilia at the 2011 School of Authentic Journalism
DR 2011 Noah Friedman-Rudovsky“Calderón’s platform worked like this: the streets are dangerous
and the state is here to provide it,” Del Conde says
“He created a culture of fear and we ate that story up
For some reason the time is now ripe for people to stop being afraid.”
local trader Ruben Flores agrees with Jacobo and Del Conde about Calderón’s motivations
“The president wanted to militarize the country to make sure his party wins the next election on a platform based on security
Now everyone’s just as scared of the police as they are of the drug gangs
We’re between a rock and a hard place
Things don’t look good for Calderón’s group in the 2012 elections.”
As a man with close connections to the rich and the poor – “I have this verbal diarrhea,” he explains
“I have to talk with everyone.” – Flores has been following the local responses to Javier Sicilia’s movement with interest
“I was just talking to a group of gas sellers about Sicilia and managed to convince them to join the movement
many of them thought at first that he was just trying to sell his books.”
This is a tough audience for Sicilia’s movement: the urban poor
stuck somewhere between the resistance-prone rural indigenous communities like Xoxocotla and the middle class that Sicilia himself represents
Yet it’s precisely this sector of society that suffers from violence the most
“One of the gas sellers pointed out that if his child got killed like Sicilia’s
there’s no way he could do what Sicilia does now
But it doesn’t mean that they’re not standing by Sicilia’s side.”
“People Who Have Struggled Think Differently”
María Rosas remembers Tepoztlán’s autonomy as a time that was both exhausting and exciting
It was a time when the sound of church bells brought every person in town
out to the streets to defend the town against attackers
In the end the exhaustion was greater than the excitement
The people had not thought of autonomy as a goal in itself
but merely as a tactic in the struggle to stop the construction of the golf course
“While we were struggling we showed solidarity to every possible movement
and we’re now present in Javier Sicilia’s movement
but the town doesn’t do that sort of thing as a community anymore.”
Dulce Jacobo was still in her diapers when the church bells of Tepoztlán were calling for townspeople to protect their autonomy
This year it’s been her turn to live through excitement and exhaustion
She considers herself more radical than Javier Sicilia
but nevertheless joined his march in early May
especially the possibility to talk to compañeros from different parts of the country
There were parents whose children had died in Guardería ABC (a day care center in Sonora where 49 children died in a fire in 2009
the tragedy was found to have been caused by criminal negligence) and parents whose children have been kidnapped.”
María Rosas shares Jacobo’s experience
Even though Javier Sicilia is an intellectual and represents Mexico’s small middle class
Rosas believes that the support base for his movement is more popular
we heard stories from people who said that their children had gone off to look for work and hadn’t been heard of since
They don’t know if their children are among the unidentified bodies found in mass graves
They are people with very few resources.”
Dulce Jacobo believes that things will get more difficult from now on
She can’t imagine Felipe Calderón’s government giving in to the movement’s demands
nor does she believe that drug trafficking groups are likely to relent
Another young man has just been killed on the streets of Cuernavaca
“The important thing is that I don’t feel so isolated now that I’ve met these people
People who have participated in struggles have a different way of thinking
and the campaign gives them a chance to share that with others,” she said during a May interview
“The march to Ciudad Juarez in June will be incredibly important because of that.”
In Xoxocotla the support for Sicilia is strong
the town is ready to support it doing what it does best: erecting roadblocks
You have to remember that when they killed Emiliano Zapata
We’ve returned to Soriano’s house from the field
greeted by dogs and a little granddaughter who introduces herself as Jimena
and if the leader gets killed then the movement always dies,” Armando Soriano says
“We really need to look at different alternatives
that’s how the drug cartels survive.”