Korvel is a diverse neighborhood like many others you discover the dynamics that define digital surveillance in an area that contains diverse actors and how it can become a cause of inequality and disconnection The Tilburgian neighborhood Korvel is a place like many others in the Netherlands Tilburg being a city with a strong industrial past and various large migrant groups this section of the town is home to people from various backgrounds and both working and middle-class Dutch people all inhabit this space Korvel is also known for having a rough edge The less wealthy side of this part of town can sometimes be visible through beggars and public drug usage It is then not surprising that many of the neighborhood's inhabitants feel it necessary to employ surveillant measures such as cameras or surveillant measures are concepts defined in this paper as acts that intend to influence other's' behavior A surveillant landscape by extension is the holistic totality of artefacts that indexes such action in a particular place and time By focussing on surveillance in this manner I uncover who tries and succeeds at enacting power over others in the neighborhood. In this complex social space we must question who surveils and who is surveilled Understanding these dynamics helps us identify inequalities and abuses of power paving the way for the creation of more democratic neighborhoods in similar places a surveillant landscaping study was performed Here an attempt was made to answer three questions These are: "What surveillant actions are visible in Korvel?" "What are relevant groups or actors in Korvel's surveillant landscape" and "What power relations exist between these actors?" By investigating these three questions I hope to find an answer to the questions: In Korvel's surveillant landscape who has what power and who feels the consequences of this. In simpler words I wish to create an understanding of the surveillant landscape of Korvel.  To collect data for this study the method of surveillant landscaping was used (Jones, 2017). This means I went out into the neighborhood and took pictures of any object that one could link to surveillance including but not limited to cameras, security systems, lock boxes, obstructions, signs, and the like. I then analyze what these physical objects indexed (Diggit Wiki Where specifically were these things placed This highlights who can commit surveillant acts as well as why they would do so Identity-related aspects of surveillance will be placed centrally What identities are indexed by surveillant objects and behaviors will be central to our understanding thereof Are certain groups as a whole labeled as a threat through surveillant practices and do other groups band together to protect themselves from others?  Focussing on who surveils whom and why allows us to focus on this social dynamic of surveillance (Jenkins this study will utilize data obtained from real-world sources and analyze its identity and technology indexicals related to power Another aspect of surveillance I will focus on is the digital infrastructure required to properly function in a digital surveillant landscape Who can and cannot access such technology and the inequalities and power relations that this highlights will be put into focus(Andrejvic By doing this we can identify who has surveillant power in the neighborhood.  this study will utilize data from real-world sources and analyze its identity and technology indexicals related to power In doing so I will answer the questions: What surveillant actions are visible in Korvel What are relevant actors in Korvel's surveillant landscape and what power relations exist in said landscape Each of these questions will be answered from a socio-technological point of view This means that the interplay between human social systems and technological means will be the focus of this study.  I will first focus on what types of technology were found during data collection This means the act of surveilling is not yet made most salient here I will focus on that in the second part of this question's answer I first wish to look at what types of technology are employed to perform surveillant acts This stands in contrast to the second category of surveillant technology that is visible in Korvel An abundance of what I have dubbed complex surveillant technology is found in our area of study This includes camera(s) (interfaces) and security systems These systems all require connections to outside networks and significant technological knowledge to interpret Those subjected to surveillance through such methods may lack precise awareness of the surveillance techniques employed Such distinction is notable compared to our initial category of surveillance technologies wherein how one's behavior was influenced was more evident to a non-specialist observer.    This is what I have dubbed semi-complex surveillance technology This category includes (standardized) signs lockboxes or street infrastructure such as benches or bike stands made to disincentivize loitering or stealing An example of the latter can be found below Tools like this require either some technological understanding or some specific knowledge to use effectively the bike rack below requires you to know how to use its unique design. Likewise the sign situated beneath the aforementioned image necessitates proficiency in the Dutch language or specific symbols These semi-complex surveillance technologies need more decoding than those in category one but less decoding than those in category two This brings us back to the second kind of surveillant act in Korvel As we found in the last paragraphs by surveilling people one denotes that their actions should be influenced In doing so surveillance labels certain people as risks(Ceyhan This is again made very clear in the case of the sign that I have placed below this paragraph Those using drugs or drinking in the park are noted as deviant or at least breaking the rules This means a label is attached to people engaging in such actions by those who take the sign for truth People engaging in those behaviors are labeled as deviant by the discourse this sign conveys (Becker we will further discuss the implications of this idea before we can say anything about labeling in the next chapter we will first need to discuss the agents in this particular surveillant landscape By understanding which actions are committed by whom we can see how these actions help create specific identities and power relations in the last chapter of this analysis similar establishments often claim parking spaces for customers and employees through signage They also employ gates and spikes to restrict public access to their private areas reflecting a layered surveillance approach These organizations claim their space and consistently monitor said territory there are also individuals in Korvel who participate in its surveillant landscape Cameras while less common than for companies seem to be rather prevalent these are mostly doorbell-type devices nowhere near as complex as a full surveillance system Individuals also use signs to influence each other's behavior you can see how an individual has taken it upon themselves to make the streets around a school in the district safer by making drivers aware of possible danger and individuals all perform surveillance here The government does so with a seemingly soft hand Design and signage seem to be the main ways in which they surveil they do place cameras where they think it necessary to use such measures larger chain companies seem to create a surveillance system around their establishments Individuals seemingly also organize around their homes but their surveillant acts and uses of surveilling technology are by far the least complex of all participants in Korvel's surveillant landscape I will now analyze the power relations that the surveillant landscape of Korvel indexes This means we will be focussing on two questions: Who surveils others and who is surveilled The technological means to surveil are not divided equally in Korvel Large companies seem to have the upper hand here when it comes to surveilling a small part of the neighborhood that they can call their own or Nettorama can be seen as surveilled fortresses Tilburg's municipal government seems to have the most power to surveil and influence behavior across the district They have designed specific landscapes across the neighborhood and placed signs and cameras to shape Korvel in a more general sense Individuals and smaller companies seem to lack such power over their terrain as well as the neighborhood at large Certainly attempts like the self-hung sign show that individuals try to influence behavior in the neighborhood but they cannot design the entire district like the city government can individuals nor small companies likely have similar capital to larger organizations to invest in expensive security systems Large organizations and TIlburg's municipal government have the most power to surveil Korvel because they have more capabilities to create complex datafied surveillance systems compared to smaller organizations and individuals. The question then remains who do they surveill Large organizations and government have the most power to surveil Korvel because they have more capabilities to create complex datafied surveillance systems compared to smaller organizations and individuals.  As we saw previously loitering and petty criminality are given particular attention by both government and larger companies in their surveillance infrastructure and closing hours for certain sections of public space all seem oriented toward preventing such behavior Then those more likely to engage in such behaviors are labelled as the deviants in need of surveillance.  Companies nor governments are actors who would logically engage in such behaviors they are the ones surveilling it which would be noteworthy The surveillance that we see these people perform seems mostly targeted at individuals. The people who engage in the behaviors that are seemingly given the most importance such as public drug usage or loitering are more likely to be lone or small-group actors these are behaviors that are generally seen as scary or deviant in Western society(Becker Hence the people that this type of surveillance labels as deviant are likely those disenfranchised by society already (Van Voorst Relatively powerless individuals who would already be labeled as deviant by most in society seem to fit this bill To get a clearer idea of whether this aligns with class and ethnic stereotyping further research is highly recommended it seems very likely that those already in an already marginalized group might more easily fall into this group Hence these surveillant activities could grow the divide between people who feel they benefit from surveillance and those who feel that they are discriminated through it This could be so as being labeled as deviant through surveillance could reinforce a disconnect between mainstream Dutch society and individuals experiencing such labeling.  Korvel just like any other neighborhood has a complex web of power relations indexed through its surveillant landscape and individual actors of various power levels that use the technology of different complexities to influence each other's behavior large organizations with a lot of capital to invest in a surveillant system retain the most power Tilburg's municipal government seems to control most of the district with a soft touch Most of the actual filling in of how the neighborhood operates is left to the organizations and people that are in it those who have the capital to integrate themselves into a surveillance system using data and strategy seem to have the most power individuals and smaller organizations seem to lack such power This whole system seems to largely focus on stopping petty criminality and loitering These behaviors are labeled as deviant through overt measures such as signs but also cameras and designs specifically aimed at impeding such actions This all seems to be in the name of preventing nuisance or danger. However by labeling those engaged in behaviors that many would consider deviant as abnormal again in this surveillant system one might alienate surveillance subjects to a higher degree This is especially concerning as those with the power to commit surveillance seem to mainly surveil those less powerful than them(Jenkins This all shows that even a surveillance system aimed at improving the well-being and safety of neighborhoods runs the risk of marginalizing specific groups Especially when surveillance is aimed at those least powerful in society alienation from mainstream society might result This is more salient given the complex computerized surveillant systems that governments and large companies can now use especially those lacking large amounts of capital lack the surveillant power boost that such technology affords.  It is important to consider the shifting power balances that the advent of new technology such as facial recognition cameras and detection algorithms create Hence it is important to consider the shifting power balances that the advent of new technology such as facial recognition cameras and detection algorithms create In cases where capital is the main deciding factor for access as it seems to be in Korvel heightened inequality and alienation from mainstream society by those targeted by surveillance may grow as issues in the future Hence more study into the cultural power dynamics of surveillance technology and ways to democratically allot surveillant technology seems of vital importance.  Automating surveillance. Surveillance & Society, 17(1/2) (2005). Discourse: A critical introduction. Cambridge University Press Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company In Routledge handbook of surveillance studies (pp Diggit Wiki,. (2023). Indexicality. Retrieved from: https://www.diggitmagazine.com/wiki/indexicality When big data meets dataveillance: The hidden side of analytics. Surveillance & Society, 12(2) (2003). Abnormal: lectures at the Collège de France In Routledge Handbook of surveillance studies(pp Rooilijn : Tijdschrift voor Wetenschap en Beleid in Ruimtelijke Ordening (2010). Jullie zijn anders als ons: jong en allochtoon in Nederland Masters student of linguistics and communication science focussed on sociolinguistics Our newsletter arrives every Monday with fresh reviews Every fashion enthusiast knows that Fifth Avenue is one of the best places to go shopping Fifth Avenue is more than that — it’s a runway Fashion on Fifth is here to give you weekly front row access to some of The New School’s chicest looks As the weather begins to drop to the 50s and the wind tunnel of Fifth Avenue starts to whisk us away it’s finally time to bring out those warmer layers The unpredictable start of fall makes it harder to figure out what to wear especially with the often chilly mornings and the sun making us overheat by the afternoon “Do I wear that warm sweater I’ve been excited to pull out of my closet?” or “Do I go for a thin leather jacket just in case?”  This week on Fashion on Fifth, we’re finding out how New School students are layering up to stay warm on the windy sidewalks. As we learned from our last issue of Fashion on Fifth fall fashion is all about layering up sustainably with old pieces in your wardrobe And now that it’s time to start pulling out our jacket collections I’m curious to know how students keep their outfits fun and exciting beneath a warm Izzy Brown  she/her — @itzizzybrown  Fourth-year Parsons School of Design integrated design student my eyes immediately went to her burnt orange knee-high socks She says her Mary Janes have recently become a staple in her fall fashion: “I’ve been pairing them with high knee socks because I feel like it’s really cute.” Izzy says her socks are perfect for this weather that is “kind of cold kind of warm.” She’s also wearing a bubble skirt underneath a very baggy button-down and oversized blazer but also masculine in the same way,” she says Wearing oversized layers on top of oversized pieces has been something she’s been dabbling in this season The pairing of her blazer and button down over her short skirt is the perfect combo for getting through the windy chill of Fifth Avenue Izzy says that layering in a very “minimalistic way” — neutrals While she’s very much in her Mary Janes era Izzy says she’s excited to bring out her new Ugg boots for the colder weather Willa Houlhain  she/her — @willaaahoulihan  Third-year Eugene Lang College of Liberal Arts screen studies student When I walked toward the University Center I spotted Willa out of the corner of my eye She was giving cool grunge girl energy with her cute buckle boots and leather jacket combo Willa told me her outfit was inspired by her love for Nancy from The Craft Her color palette definitely gives that mysterious ‘90s witch fantasy Willa reveals that layering is an important part of her fall fashion now that it’s getting chillier out you just have to fake it till you make it,” she says and her sheer black tights surely tie the whole outfit together “I love a pleated skirt and then also just a leather jacket,” Willa says short bottom combo is certainly a fan favorite this time of year!  Sophie Graham  she/they — @sophiegrhm  Continuing & Professional Education student studying film production  Sophie’s outfit just screams ‘60s psychedelia with these colorful touches of green and orange “I feel like my favorite way to pick something is to just look at all my clothes and see what I want to wear the most,” she says and I can’t believe how well everything goes together Sophie told me she made these pants herself and I’m in awe of how eclectic and fun they are paired with her green hair scarf and jade necklace “I don’t want to leave the house unless I’m wearing one thing that I made,” she says — which seriously makes her eclectic fashion cooler and unique Sophie says layering is an essential part of her style but my use of crazy layering is what makes it a little bit cooler,” she says I completely disagree; her style is so cool and whimsical Since Sophie just moved to New York from the sunny state of California she’s starting to prepare her wardrobe for the incoming cold weather She’s really into secondhand fashion and upcycling and wants to thrift some new winter pieces in the city “I’m excited to shop a little and make some more stuff so I’m not freezing,” she says I can’t wait to see what fall fashion pieces Sophie whips up for the season!  Dani Korvel  she/her — @danikorv  Fourth-year Parsons communication design student  bug-eyed shades prompted me to ask her more about what influenced her fashion choices today Dani is continuing to channel her “brat summer” era into “brat fall” with her big shades and cool street style but also look like I tried?’” She told me that having a six-hour studio class makes it harder for her to decide on an outfit Wearing a warm but “not too hot” FedEx race car jacket Dani paired her oversized jacket with a short The cold weather is something Dani really loves especially when entering a warm New School building “Not only do you have to wear a cute jacket you’re still serving.” She adds that the changing of seasons is really throwing off her outfit choices in the morning it’s actually really hot outside.’” A favorite staple in Dani’s fall fashion is putting bows on everything but lately I’m kind of more into accessorizing with little bows or jewelry.” So cutesy and a perfect way to finalize a cozy fall outfit.  it’s getting harder to decide what to wear in the morning What if it gets really warm later in the day While we’re all excited to be pulling out our fall fashion staples we’re still experimenting with what will work best for the changing temperatures outside Jackets are steadily becoming necessary items within our current outfit choices completely changing the way we dress for class All these decisions are preparing us for the cold weather in sight it’s time to experiment and play around with the new ways we can start layering for this windy season!  Δdocument.getElementById( "ak_js_1" ).setAttribute( "value" Every fashion enthusiast knows that Fifth Avenue is one of the… a monthly series where Lang student Luna… What have you accomplished in the last 24 hours Lucy is the New School Free Press’ weekly advice column,… This website is using a security service to protect itself from online attacks The action you just performed triggered the security solution There are several actions that could trigger this block including submitting a certain word or phrase You can email the site owner to let them know you were blocked Please include what you were doing when this page came up and the Cloudflare Ray ID found at the bottom of this page Our websites may use cookies to personalize and enhance your experience. 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For more information, please see our University Websites Privacy Notice A pair of studies by UConn researchers show employers are less likely to respond to job applications from candidates who are Muslims than members of other religious groups Sara Korvel has a lot to offer prospective employers: a recent graduate of a major university she made the dean’s list in seven of eight semesters and belongs to the Phi Beta Kappa honors society she landed prestigious internships at an international bank and a state public broadcaster and held down a job as a Starbucks shift manager for most of her college career Sara has one significant factor working against her as she searches for her first post-college job A pair of studies by University of Connecticut researchers have discovered that employers are demonstrably less likely to respond to a job application if that resume includes evidence of membership in a faith group the faith group employers least want to engage is Islam it’s better not to mention religion at all – but employers really don’t want you to mention being a Muslim,” said professor of sociology Michael Wallace who conducted the studies along with Bradley Wright an associate professor in the sociology department The two studies – one published in the journal Research in Social Stratification and Mobility, and the other published in Social Currents – aimed to examine religious discrimination which has reportedly been on the rise: between 1992 and 2010 the number of complaints filed with the U.S Equal Employment Opportunity Commission alleging such discrimination grew from 1,388 to 3,790 Wallace and Wright created resumes on behalf of four fictional recent college graduates (including the high-achieving Sara Korvel) they sent four applications at a time to employers taking care to make the resumes – which were reviewed in advance by human resources professionals – different enough not to arouse suspicion Each resume was randomly assigned an identity based on religious preference – Catholic and “Wallonian,” a fictional faith – or was designated part of a control group that had no religious affiliation at all Since the resumes were all purportedly from recent graduates of major public universities religious belief could be introduced unobtrusively under the banner of extracurricular activities Each fictitious job seeker was therefore listed as an officer in the “Muslim Student Group” or the “Campus Jewish Association,” except for the control group whose resumes listed them as belonging merely to the “Student Association” or something similar the researchers sent out 6,400 applications to 1,600 job postings in New England setting up eight voicemail boxes and eight separate email addresses to collect the responses Wallace and Wright expected the control group to get the most responses based on “secularization theory”: even though Americans consistently profess a high degree of religiosity religion is increasingly seen as a purely private matter and public expression of it – such as in the workplace – is likely to be frowned on The results bore that out in the New England study: applicants expressing any religious identification received 19 percent fewer overall contacts than the applicants from the non-religious control group was the scope of the apparent bias against Muslim applicants: Muslims received 32 percent fewer emails and 48 percent fewer phone calls than applicants from the control group far outweighing measurable bias against the other faith groups “Just by adding the word ‘Muslim’ to an application its chances of receiving an employer contact were reduced by between a third and almost half,” Wright said Curious to see if this would be the case elsewhere in the country the researchers replicated the study in the South By measures like church attendance and belief in God the South is significantly more religious than New England and has a much larger evangelical Christian population and Wallace and Wright wondered how this would affect the results The researchers sent out 3,200 applications to employers within 150 miles of two major Southern cities and found that Southern employers have much in common with their New England counterparts The Southern study found that religious resumes received 29 percent fewer emails and 33 percent fewer phone calls than the control-group resumes; but Muslim applications got 38 percent fewer emails and 54 percent fewer phone calls than the non-religious control group and were less likely to get a response than those with any other religious indicator The major difference between the two regions was that Southern employers were also more likely to discriminate against other religious groups Jewish applications fared well in the South almost matching the response rate for the non-religious control group “There’s been a growing discussion about religious discrimination in the workplace but very little of it has been about Muslims,” Wallace said “What these studies suggest is that there’s a reluctance to even engage job applicants who might be Muslim just because they’re Muslim which should give anyone who cares about equal opportunity cause for concern.”